Tuesday, 31 May 2011

Draconian Law prevailing in our state (Jammu & Kashmir)


JAMMU & KASHMIR PUBLIC SAFETY ACT, 1978



The Act promulgated in 1978 (amended in 1987 and 1990) empowers the State government to detain a person without trial for two years under the pretext of maintenance of public order. The Act fell short of the recognized norms of justice, such as equality before law, the right of the accused of appearance before a Magistrate within 24 hours of arrest, fair trial in public, access to counsel, cross examination of the witnesses, appeal against conviction, protection from being tried under retrospective application of law, etc. Even the provisions of the Act, though already unsatisfactory, have been consistently violated. The detainees are not informed of the reasons of their arrest and they are kept in custody for a much longer period of time than stipulated in the Act. They are not allowed to meet their relati
ves and counsels. The amendment of 1990 extended its operation beyond the State, enabling the State machinery to keep the detainees in the jails of India, outside the State. Under Section 22 of the Act, any legal proceeding against officials for acts “done in good faith” are also disallowed.The law has been widely used against the innocent Kashmiris as well as political opponents. Thousands of people have over the years been detained under the Act.

JAMMU & KASHMIR DISTURBED AREAS ACT, 1990

Under the Act, the whole or part of the State can be declared disturbed area by the Central Government or the Governor. The whole valley of Kashmir and two Districts of Jammu have since been declared disturbed areas. An official of the level of Head Constable is allowed to use force or shoot (and kill) under the pretext of maintaining the public order. The Act gives the police extraordinary powers of arrest and detention. It provided a cover to the state machinery for indiscriminate and unprovoked firing at peaceful and unarmed demonstrations, extra judicial killings and destroying the property of Kashmiris on suspicion. Moreover, Section 6 gives legal immunity to persons acting under this Act; no suit or prosecution can be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the government against any person in respect of anything done or purported to be done in exercise of the powers conferred by the Act.

TERRORIST AND DISRUPTIVE ACTIVITIES ACT (TADA) 1990 :

The Act enforced in 1985 (amended in 1987) gives security forces and armed forces special powers for use of force, especially the amendment of 1987 made it tougher. It was widely used for unauthorized administrative detention without formal charges or trial for upto one year. Under the Act, involvement in, or preparation for, disruptive activities attracts sever punishment upto life imprisonment. Arrests can be made even on suspicion of committing “disruptive activities”, broadly defined as “any action taken, whether by act by speech or through any other media ….. which questions, disrupts or is intended to disrupt, whether directly or indirectly, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of India, or which is intended to bring about or support any claim…… for the cession of any part of India from the Union……” Since the law gives special powers to the security forces in the use of force, arrest and detention, it was extensively used in the occupied Kashmir. Even after lapse of the Act in 1995, the cases are filed under this Act, which provides that it may be applied to preceding trials in various courts and to persons, who may be tried in connection with the offences alleged to have been committed prior to 1995. The regime of the occupied Kashmir acknowledged that it held 772 persons under the TADA. Still many more are in Indian jails, outside the State.
This law also fails to meet the international standard of fundamental principles of justice, which requires that the detainees should have a fair and prompt trial and they should be informed of the reasons of arrest. The defence counsel is not permitted to see witnesses for the prosecution, who are kept behind screen while testifying in court. Besides, confessions extracted under duress are permitted as evidence.

THE ARMED FORCES (JAMMU & KASHMIR) SPECIAL POWERS ACT, 1990

The Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Ordinance, introduced in July, 1990, was later enacted by the Parliament of India and enforced on 10th September, 1990. When certain areas are declared to be “disturbed”, the army and paramilitary forces are granted sweeping powers under Section 4 (C) of this Act.The armed forces can be used in aid of civil authorities and even a non commissioned officer can search any place, stop/seize any vehicle, fire at any person (and kill), or arrest him even on the basis of suspicion with no obligation to inform him of the grounds thereof. It gives the Indian security forces sweeping powers that facilitate arbitrary arrests and detention and extra judicial executions as well as destruction of property.The provisions of the black law are further violated in the occupied Kashmir by the security forces. Under the law, an arrested person is to be handed over to the nearest police station. But it is seldom done. Besides, the armed forces personnel are supposed to act as and when requested by the civilian authorities. In other words, the former should work under the direction of the latter. However, factually the security forces are inflicting atrocities on the Kashmiris without informing the civil administration. The State government has proved ineffective in controlling the Indian security forces, who have unleashed a reign of terror in occupied territory. The Act legitimizes barbarism in the State, as under Section 7, the security forces are given an immunity from prosecution for any act committed by them..

PREVENTION OF TERRORISM ACT (POTA), 2002

The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTA), promulgated on 25th October, 2001 was initially rejected by the Upper House, when presented for enactment. However, it was passed at the joint session of the Indian Parliament on March 26, 2002. Though the law was for the whole country, its main focus was occupied Kashmir.POTA equipped the Indian forces with extra ordinary powers. Under the law, any act committed with a lethal weapon was termed terrorist act. The offences included even inviting support for an alleged “terrorist organisation”, addressing a gathering of sympathizers (of a terrorist organisation) and arranging, helping or assisting to arrange a meeting in which support for any “terrorist organisation” or its activities is expressed. The properties of the alleged terrorists, terrorist organisations and their sympathies would be seized. The suspects could be detained for 3 months without framing charges against them and for another 3 months, if allowed by a special Judge.The Government officials admitted that excesses had regularly been committed. A long list of illegal arrests and unlawful killings has been documented by the human rights organisations. This black law was used mainly in occupied Kashmir. Ninety Nine point nine percent arrested under this Act were Muslims. Owing to strong protests and denunciation from the world leaders and organisations, the Act has now been withdrawn.

UNLAWFUL ACTIVITIES (PREVENTION) AMENDMENT ORDINANCE 2004

The Ordinance was passed by the Indian President in 2004 and was implemented forthwith. It has since been promulgated as Act. It again provides extraordinary powers to armed forces and other law enforcement agencies, similar to those previously provided by the POTA.In addition to the above-mentioned measures, the laws and ordinances regarding other disturbed parts of India can also be applied in occupied Kashmir.
THE NATIONAL SECURITY ACT (NSA)

Under the NSA, a person can be detained without charge or trial for upto one year to prevent him from acting in a manner prejudicial to state security, the maintenance of public order or relations with a foreign power.
OFFICIAL SECRETS ACT (OSA)

Under the Official Secrets Act (OSA), the Government may restrict publication of sensitive stories. But the Government interprets this broadly to suppress criticism of its policies.
NEWSPAPERS INCITEMENTS TO OFFENCES ACT

The Newspapers Incitements to Offences Act, 1971 remains in effect in Jammu and Kashmir. Under the Act, a District Magistrate may prohibit the publishing of material resulting in “incitement to murder” or “any act of violence”.
CRIMINAL PROCEDURE CODE

The Criminal Procedure Code provides for an open trial in most cases, but it allows exceptions in proceedings involving official secret trials in which statements prejudicial to the safety of the State might be made, or under provisions of special security legislation. The authorities enjoy special powers to search and arrest without a warrant. If required, the public assemblies can be banned and a curfew can also be imposed.
INDIAN TELEGRAPH ACT

The Indian Telegraph Act authorizes the surveillance of communications, including monitoring telephone conversations and intercepting personal mail, in case of public emergency or “in the interest of the public safety or tranquility”.Besides the afore mentioned draconian laws, the following are also in force: -
i. Enemy Agent Ordinance 1948.
ii. The Egress and Internal Movement (Control) Ordinance, 1948.
iii. Prevention of Unlawful Activities, 1963.
iv. Prevention of Subversion and Sabotage Act, 1965.

WORLD OPINION

The TADA gives a license to kill. (Amnesty International). The powers of the TADA and the Armed Forces Special Power Act are incompatible with the state obligation to uphold and protect human rights, in particular the right to life. (UN Human Rights Committee). Wide powers of arrest granted under TADA, combined with the absence of fundamental legal safeguards for detainees, create a climate, which encourages abuse of power and facilitates illegal and secret detention. (Amnesty International)

1) The TADA has come to represent a blatant and wide spread violation of civil rights. (Daily The Indian Express)

2) This organisation has not come to know of a single case of disappearance in Indian Held Kashmir in which the perpetrators have been brought to justice. (Amnesty International)

3) Thousand of allegations of torture and deaths in custody have been reported in Jammu & Kashmir since early 1990. (Amnesty International Report, 1995)

4) “Access to redress for victims of human rights violations, a right guaranteed under international law, is being denied to victims in Jammu & Kashmir”. (Amnesty International – May, 1997)

5) Thousands of political persons were detained without charge or trial under special legislations such as TADA, the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act and the Disturbed Areas Act, which lacked vital legal safeguards. (Amnesty International Report, 1997)

6 ) Many provisions of TADA contravene important international human rights standards, especially the right to liberty and security, to a fair trial, freedom of expression and the right not to be tortured. (Amnesty International)

7) India should release all detained Kashmiri leaders and political workers. The draconian law, the Public Safety Act should be annulled, if it cannot be so amended as to conform to the standard of protection of human rights. (Amnesty International – May, 2001)

8) The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act violates provisions of International human rights law, including the right to life, the right to remedy and the rights to be free from arbitrary deprivation of liberty and from torture and cruel inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. (Amnesty International)

9) The continuance of a system characterized by extra ordinary law created to fight the insurgency, like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, the Public Safety Act and the POTA, has “produced an environment of impunity and lawlessness”. A systematic pattern of abuse emerges – the Armed forces do not disclose, indeed they conceal their identity, no record is maintained of who is conducting the arrest. The Armed forces do not respond to summon from the courts even in habeas corpus petitions. The High Court of Jammu & Kashmir has been forced to close hundreds of cases without even finding what happened to disappeared persons for non cooperation of the Armed forces. (Tapan Bose – The Committee of Initiative on Kashmir)

10) The Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) continued to be used to detain political opponents and members of minority populations. The lapsed Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act continued to be used to arrest people in Jammu and Kashmir by linking them to cases filed before 1995. Preventive arrest and detention provisions contained in other security laws as well as in the Code of Criminal Procedure were also misused against political and human rights activists. (Amnesty International Report, 2004)

11) The Indian government’s failure to account for these abuses and take rigorous action against those members of its forces responsible for murder, rape and torture amounts to a policy of condoning human rights violations by the security forces.

12 ) Among the worst of these violations have been the summary executions of hundreds of detainees in the custody of the security forces in occupied Kashmir. Such killings are carried out as a matter of policy.

14 ) Operating as secret illegal army, have been the state – sponsored paramilitary groups. Many of these groups have been responsible for grave human rights abuses, including summary executions, torture and illegal detention as well as election – related intimidation of voters. (Human Rights Watch Asia, Report, 2005)

15 ) Indian troops continue to use extra judicial killings as a method to suppress insurgency in Kashmir. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) reported 136 deaths in police custody and 1357 deaths in judicial custody during the period of January to March, 2004. Besides, the Indian authorities generally did not report encounter deaths in Jammu & Kashmir to the NAHRC. (State Department Report, 2005)

Complete shutdown in Shopian town

Srinagar, May 31 (KMS): In occupied Kashmir, complete shutdown was observed in Shopian town for the second consecutive to commemorate the death anniversary of two Kashmiri women, Aasiya and Neelofer, who were molested and murdered by men in uniform in 2009.

All shops, government and private offices and banks remained closed while traffic was off the road on Monday. The occupation authorities had deployed large number of Indian policemen and paramilitary troops to prevent people from holding demonstrations in the town.

The incident had sparked a wave of protests across the Kashmir Valley. Shopian had observed strike for 47 consecutive days to press for the identification and punishment of the perpetrators.

On the other hand, the police have arrested in-charge Police Post Pul Doda in connection with the harassment of a college girl who jumped into Chenab river on Sunday after she was terrorized by the policemen. The dead body of the girl was yet to be traced.

Source: Kashmir Media Service

Monday, 30 May 2011

Girl in occupied Kashmir jumps into river after being harassed by Indian cops

A college student jumped into the Chenab river in Doda district of occupied Jammu and Kashmir after she was harassed by police for having tea with a young man who studied with her, locals alleged on Monday.

The body of the girl, in her 20s, has still not been recovered. Rashida Bano was having tea with Najab Din at a tea stall on the bank of Chenab in Pul Doda town, some 165 km from Jammu, on Sunday.

An assistant sub-inspector was suspended on charges of not handling the matter in a professional manner.
According to the locals, a Special Police Officer (SPO) - who is not a regular police employee but works on consolidated pay - on reaching the tea stall started questioning them.

Locals say they were embarrassed over questioning as the cop used indecent language. 

They repeatedly told the police that they are just friends but police personnel took them to the police station and informed their parents.

According to the police, father of the girl said that he will come to the police station to take back her daughter. 

Reports suggest that though the police was satisfied that they were just friends and decided to let them go, the girl was terribly upset over the incident especially when her father was informed. 

She left the police station and jumped into the near by river Chenab. Her body couldn't be fished out till early Monday morning.

People in the area held protests against the police after the incident. 

Last year, in neighbouring Kishtwar district, two girls committed suicide by jumping into the river after they were questioned by the police for sitting with their class mates on the banks of the river.

Source: Hindustan Times

On Kashmir India acts as a police state, not as a democracy

By Mirza Waheed



Many years ago, I met two journalists from India in London and we found ourselves talking about Kashmir. Mostly, they listened patiently to my impassioned tale of what goes on, but the moment I touched upon the brutal counter-insurgency methods employed by the Indian security apparatus in the disputed territory – among them notorious "catch-and-kill" operations to execute suspected militants – they looked incredulous, made a quick excuse and left. Later, I learned that at least one of them believed that Kashmiris liked to exaggerate the excesses of the Indian armed forces.

In the reaction of those two men, I had witnessed the frightening success of India's policy of denial and misrepresentation on Kashmir. India's decision to censor the Economist last week, following the publication of a map that shows the disputed borders of Kashmir, represents two unsurprising but ominous things: that the country's age-old intransigence over Kashmir still runs deep; and its willingness to curb freedom of speech over what it sees as sensitive matters of national interest. On Kashmir India continues to behave as a police state, not as the champion of democracy and freedom that it intends to be.

There is nothing astonishing or new in this. For decades, India has not only been unwilling to solve one of the world's most tragic conflicts but has scuttled any attempt at meaningful discourse on the issue, both internationally and within the country. The ultimately pointless attempt at censorship by asking the magazine to paste stickers on a representation of areas controlled by India, Pakistan and China is, sadly, in line with its inflexible and deeply flawed Kashmir policy. To come good on its insistence that "Kashmir is an integral part of India" – and it does lash out at any attempt to suggest otherwise – it maintains the world's largest military presence in a single region, to suppress the revolt that erupted against its rule in 1989. An uprising that continues in the form of a civilian resistance.

Last year, in what we now remember as Kashmir's bloody summer, its paramilitaries and police killed more than a hundred protesters, most of them young men and schoolchildren. Among those killed was Sameer Rah, a nine-year-old boy from Srinagar, who was bludgeoned to death and his body dumped by a kerb. The image of his bruised, purple body is now permanently etched in the collective consciousness of Kashmiris at home and across the world, and may haunt India's political and intellectual elites for a long time. In response to this brutalisation of a people – the Kashmir valley remained in virtual siege for weeks – a cogent narrative of what I call "new dissent" began to evolve in Kashmir and India, scripted by Kashmiris themselves and by some of India's bravest public intellectuals, writers and journalists.

However, both the central government and its clients in the state tried everything to suppress this new wave of dissent; they introduced draconian measures to silence the voice of Kashmiris and their supporters in Delhi. TV channels were forced off air, newspapers were not allowed to print for weeks, text messaging was banned, and later on, in India's capital, a lower court even charged Arundhati Roy with sedition. But the urge to report to the world what was unfolding in Kashmir was ultimately unstoppable. Kashmiri youth turned to social media to get the word out.

And it did get out, aided by India's fascinatingly diverse intelligentsia and those sections of the Indian media that have of late started to look at Kashmir with new understanding and empathy, and not through the disingenuous prism of national interest.

The Economist's map on Kashmir – which must have received many more page views than had it not been declared contraband – contains nothing that contests historical facts or misrepresents ground reality. Essentially, the magazine has produced a graphical account of geopolitical status in the region – namely, Kashmir is a disputed territory, with India and Pakistan as the main contestants, but Kashmiris as the central party as it is their future that has been a point of dispute. A dispute that the UN recognises as such in its charter of 1948 – and in its maps. I have found maps produced by the UN to be the most accurate and impartial.

When, and why, do states censor maps? Mostly when the operating principle seems to be denial and obfuscation. For years, the Indian state has attempted to delegitimise people's aspirations in Kashmir, either by raising the bogey of Islamism or lumping together the challenge to its authority in Kashmir with the US-led war on terror. For most of the 1990s and the early years of the new millennium it succeeded. Ironically, as a consequence of the emergence of "new India" and the burgeoning of the country's affluent middle classes, the Economist – a magazine previously considered the preserve of business elites – is now selling more copies in India. It is seen as influential, and capable of altering opinion – hence the kneejerk reaction to the map. The Indian government is doing a huge disservice to its democratic credentials by trying to confiscate the truth about one of the world's most tragic, intractable and dangerous conflicts



Source: The Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk)

Sunday, 29 May 2011

MOLESTATION OF WOMANHOOD (NEELOFAR WRITES FROM HER GRAVE)

By Koshur Mazloom

Just two years have passed by. It was 29 of May 2009. My body has not yet turned into the dust in the grave. My bones are still aching. Blood on my face has not yet dried up. My beloved Aasiya is still having those tears in her stony eyes. I still remember how beasts tore apart our chaste bodies. I still remember how those savages pounced upon our modesty and trampled upon our honour. They were filled with lust and hate. I still remember how they were enjoying and were deriving sadistic pleasure out of our helplessness. Our weakness was our Womanhood. We struggled till our last bit of energy. Our fatigue from the struggle became their strength. I still remember how frightening it was. I could hear angels screaming in agony, with us. I could hear my voice had gone hoarse and I was only waiting for my end. No one came to our rescue. Aasiya was calling me for help but I myself was helpless. I was crying, “Ha Myanii Khodayoo(O! My beloved God) and she was screaming, “Katuoo Chukhh Myanii Babboo” (Where are you? my father). But savages were relentlessly obliterating our chaste bodies with their savage lust.

I was already pregnant by two months and was so happy for becoming a second time mother. My toddler son Suzanne was waiting for me at home. My husband Shakeel had called me up just few minutes back and was worried for us. I had told him, not to worry as we had already walked halfway towards our home from our orchard where we had gone for the work. I did not know the cruel fate is awaiting us in the shape of some beasts wearing Indian uniform. As we passed by their camp, they stopped us and took us forcibly inside the vehicle which was parked in front of their camp. They pounced upon us like hyenas, tearing apart our flesh. Our helplessness was our only companion. Our faith was our crime and our womanhood was our punishment. Even Satan would have wept at our plight but those beasts did not show any mercy. They were establishing their supremacy over our possessed bodies. They were plundering us like barbarians used to plunder the conquered lands. After they satisfied their wild lust, they delivered some humanity on us. They just killed us and set our souls free. They saved us from living the lives of humiliation and burden. Had they left us alive, we would have cursed them for letting us to live.



Then they threw our mauled bodies into the pristine waters of a nearby stream only to get rid of their own crime. Waters in that stream were not enough to touch our molested flesh. Stream was too shallow to drown our bodies. We were left there in the stream in dead of the night. That night was too long and too dark. And when the chirping of birds started and skies above us started to become blue for those looking for us, Shakeel along with my brother found us lying dead on those lifeless boulders. Aasiya was lying some distance away from me and she was left there with an uncovered body. Shakeel, covered her body with his shirt and we were lifted from there. That day sky did not look like the way it used to look to me. It had turned red and every human face around looked black. We were placed on a stretcher and taken to a nearby hospital for conducting what they say an 'autopsy'. They wanted to determine whether we were raped or not? How pathetic. We were again subjected to shame. They dissected the un- dissected parts of our bodies, took out the samples of our molested flesh and confirmed our rape. But then the henchmen of molesters in the uniform came with an order for those who were doing the autopsy. They told them to change their verdict and call our death, a case of simple drowning in shallow knee deep waters. How shameful. Doctors complied with the orders from the above and declared, whatever was dictated to them. This exasperated our shame. Our blood drenched faces were not enough for them, so they stabbed us again in the heart. How can power and lust be so cruel? How can those who have come into the existence from the wombs of women like me, be so unremorseful. And some of them even worship women in temples and consider them goddesses. I wonder after tormenting our souls with misery and dread, those beasts must have visited the temples of Durga or Vaishno Devi with donations and thankfulness for saving them from getting exposed. Some of them even might have taken a dip in the waters of river Ganga to purify their sinful souls from the burden of crime. Crime which they had left to drown in another stream which also eventually culminates into the same sea which the waters of Ganges also end up into. I wonder how our blood shall forgive their crime. No wonder why rivers of Kashmir do not pass through their lands.

After wrapping the outrage of our chastity in the package of lies, a hell broke loose all around. People were agitated in flash anger and chanted high pitched false slogans of revenge. One shame was that our honour was trampled on with Jackboots of suppression and the other one was that we were raped again after our death. If only dead could speak, I would have yelled at their faces, "how dare you molest us again and again". That day they did not molest me only, they also molested my unborn child living in my womb. We were taken in a procession towards our graves after someone from the puppet administration pacified the restive public with a promise of usual 'impartial' probe. We were buried in the soil which gave our bodies a soothing relief. But that was not enough; they exhumed us from our graves after few days again to conduct another 'autopsy' under the supervision of some doctors from Delhi which they claimed were ‘impartial’. They raped us again that day. Result was a usual pack of lies only to shield those vultures who represent the Indian state in our gloomy nation. Our death was again confirmed as a natural case of drowning. Not so strange anymore.

This is not a shame for only those who shredded our modesty to smithereens to satisfy their lunatic lust, but this is even a bigger shame for those who shielded the criminals in uniform. This is a shame for those who claim to be the vanguards of Indian democracy and justice. Omar Abdullah, the Indian ruler of this land tried his best to convert our rape and murder into an ordinary case of death. He manipulated with medical findings, bullied those who were speaking the truth, fudged the autopsy reports, and arrested those who were protesting against this rape of justice. These thugs left no stone unturned to shield their henchmen. Indian democracy again raised its ugly head in Kashmir and the person heading that farce in Kashmir revealed his real dreadful identity. He showed his scornful indifference and reminded us that, Slaves should not yearn for justice. He became a compatriot of molesters all willfully only to satiate and safeguard his lust for power.

Since this case has been closed down now by those who themselves committed the crime of compliance with the crime, I do not want you to agitate and beg them to open it again. I know justice cannot be delivered as long as you are dead in the slumber of life. I just want you not to spectate anymore again, when some other Neelofar and Aasiya would become the objects of vengeful assertiveness of hegemonic brutality. Oppressors always would want you to be remindful of your inferiority of being possessed by a frenzied army of brutal occupation. Do not become collaborators of their crime by behaving like a herd of sheep in the slaughterhouse of a butcher. Today it was us; tomorrow your turn will also come to experience the sharpness of the butcher’s knife on your throats. If you want to live a life of dignity, then do not forget our pain. I know, you all are too much preoccupied with your lives. You are in slumber of your meaningless lives. You cannot change anything. I wish if dead could come out of their graves to fight for the freedom of their living companions. But dead cannot come alive. But I still wish to see a change as I have left my innocent lad Suzanne there to suffer with you. I hope he will not live a meaningless life of shame.

Koshur Mazloom © 2011

Mass Grave of Sikhs Killed in November 1984 Discovered in Jammu


A Mass Grave has been discovered in District Reasi, Jammu & Kashmir where 16 Sikhs were mercilessly murdered by crushing their heads on November 1, 1984. The victims were inside Gurudwara Singh Sabha Talwara colony when the attackers came for them on November 1, 1984, dragged them out and murdered them by crushing their heads with stones and rocks.

According to the 26 years old FIR and other official documents excavated by AISSF and SFJ, 16 Sikhs who were attacked and killed on November 1, 1984 in Talwara Colony, Reasi, Jammu & Kashmir were mostly employees working at nearby Salar Dam. On November 1, 1984 , a group of attackers came to the Gurudwara Singh Sabha Talwara Colony where the victims had taken shelter. The attackers got hold of the victims and then tortured to death 16 of them by crushing and grinding their heads with rocks and stones.

AISSF & SFJ announced that they will file a writ petition before Jammu and Kashmir High Court against the Government’s inaction against killing of 16 deaths. It is a matter of grave concern that “despite the evidence and filing of FIR, the killing and murder of 16 Sikhs in Reasi Jammu was not even investigated let alone prosecuted”, stated attorney Gurpatwant Singh Pannun Legal Advisor to Sikhs For Justice

According to Karnail Singh Peermohammad President AISSF, not only the killing of Sikhs in Reasi was brutal and ruthless but the continuous denial of justice is also equally ruthless. Just like the case of Hondh-Chillar Mass Grave, AISSF and SFJ will also take action in the case of Reasi killing by approaching the High Court and by seeking justice for the Sikh victims, added Peermohammad.

AISSF and SFJ released the copies of F.I.R filed 26 years ago and the copies of other documents along with the list of the 16 Sikhs who were killed on November 1984 at Reasi, Jammu & Kashmir


List of Sikhs Killed:

(1) Ratan Singh Son Of Chetan Singh Foremen,Village Mastuana Post Of Badala Bangar,Gurdaspur, Punjab

(2) Mukhtyar Singh Son Of Preetam Singh Post Office Rosi Kehla Badala Bangar,Gurdaspur, Punjab

(3) Heera Singh Son Of Mukhtar Singh Jwala Flour Mil Bhai Gurnampura Street Shekhwa Wali Amritsar(Punjab)

(4) Ranjit Singh Son Of Sadu Singh Foreman.Village Bartiya Postoffice Raowal
agarh,Nagar Solan Himachal Pardesh

(5) Manjit Singh Son Of Sohan Singh Electricians Village Lidopur Post Office Kahnowal Gurdaspur(Punjab)

(6) Satnam Singh S/O Bachan Singh Telephone Inspector,Village Nawan,Post Office Babehali Gurdaspur(Punjab)

(7) Giyan Singh S/O Amar Singh Vill.Hargowala, Postoffice And Distt.Hoshairpur(Punjab)

(8) Rashpal Singh Vill.Mansak Distt Hoshairpur Punjab

(9) Tersaim Singh S/O Charan Singh Atwal,Vill And Distt Thahto Chak,Teh-Tarntarn,Distt Amritsar(Punjab)

(10) Beer Singh S/O Suriya Vill And Postoffice Galgalri,Distt Gurdaspur(Punjab)

(11) Resham Singh S/O Mohan Singh Vill And Teh-Nusapanna Dist- Hoshairpur(Punjab)

(12) Ratan Singh S/O Lal Singh Dyanpura Poatoffice Narula Gurdaspur

(13) Amar Singh S/O Ranjit Singh Vill And Post Office Raipur Madan,Tahal Bansal ,Dist-Himachal Pradesh

(14) Surinder Singh S/O Preetam Singh Matrala,Post Office Bahat Dist-Gurdaspur

(15) Bhupinder Singh S/O Jaswant Singh,Vill-Singhpura Baramulla(Kashmir)

(16) Janak Singh Poni Shayad Parakh Jammu