Showing posts with label Oppression. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Oppression. Show all posts

Saturday, 12 November 2011

Untold Miseries Of My Land


By: R’ Cayed



All alone I walk to search peace and prosperity,

And I feel like from past two decades I’ve lost me,

In the bullet-shells and smoke gases that roam through my street,

And somewhere a gunman has another to meet,

This is the battleground of a fight of greed,

We have never been asked what we need,

From childhood I’ve nothing to seebut blood,

I walk by the roadside to save myself from this flood,

Nothing but the unmarked graves screaming for attention,

Of justice that keeps delaying in their own destroyed nation,

In my own dreams, each night I wake up and weep,

From the end of 1980’s I’ve lost my sleep,

Whenever I be in candle-light, remembering the past,

I feel like the Kashmiri inside me will ever last.

I live within cries and funerals everyday,

Live within the people, who can’t even say,

Can’t even pen down their wishes and pains,

Can’t even wash-out the blood-stains,

I’ve a habit to get my lunch box checked before school,

Been taught about geniuses when I myself am a fool,

Even my hands are open in the prison but I-Can’t break my rule of never speaking a lie,

Whenever I feel like happy, I go to graveyard,

And stare at the graves, which were dug by the fraud,

I ask myself what for I’m given birth,

And feel like my own life isn’t worth.

Whenever I walk, I need to prove my identity,

When they beat me like an animal, nobody even pays pity,

I learn the scolds when I was bound to fun,

Before holding a pen,

they show me the weight of gun,

As I walk after dark,

they shot me and state it self-defense,

I fall on the road; A schoolboy holding his pens,

How can they call an innocent a terrorist?When even to hold the sand,

we lack the strength of fist,

Each night I’ve a war to fight,

From years I’ve forgotten the pleasure of night,

I never rested for everyday I’ve to shoulder,

Someone whom they again call a victim of self-defense.

Now don’t ask me why I took up a stone,

I’ve to pelt it for my brother,

now Igot a chance to mourn,

I’ve no fear of death; this life’s a curse,

At the end of every day my wound is getting worse,

I throw it at them, without fear and sight,

May be this stone would end my plight,

I stand in front of your gun; it’s time you shoot me,

Remember! I would be dead but still you won’t get the key,

That unlocks the door of paradise on earth,

My sacrifice for my land makes me feel worth,

This is the land of saints and it’s just ours,

This the land for which our forebears kept vigil for endless hours,

Remember O! Tyrant, this is my land,

It would always be mine, sooner shall you understand.

Lava Of Anger Too Close To Surface



Guest Post By: Hassan Zainagiree


Last year’s spontaneous and massive uprising blew to smithereens the ‘integral part’ rhetoric Indians are hooked to. Instead of respecting the democratic voices of people, Indian political leadership decided to muzzle the voice and curb the dissent through the barrel of the gun. True, for a while, they succeeded in defusing the anger and controlling the situation, yet in the heart of their hearts they are privy to the naked reality that every act of suppression, far from forcing Kashmiris to reconcile to their fate and fall in capitulation before Indian military might, adds to the lava of anger and makes them more furious and determined in their resolve. Dressed in semantics though, the realization is piercing their hearts. Our resistance though they don’t acknowledge as struggle for freedom, nonetheless, in scaling it down to ‘alienation’ they know the brittle nature of relationship. And the close proximity of ‘anger bubble’ ‘close to surface’.
And its intrinsic nature of getting exploded. Anytime. How long they can run away from what Kashmircries for. Call it ‘alienation’, call it Intifadah, the destination point is not far away. And stands all visible.

Recently the Delhi nominated interlocution panel submitted its hundred page report to Home Minister P Chidambaram. The report according to official sources, stressed the need fo r addressing what they say ’sense of victimhood’ and genesis of Kashmir problem. It said:

‘Alienation runs very deep in the valley. Anger bubble is close to the surface and risk of mass protests breaking out again is still present…. The deep rooted alienation of youth was underlined by the unrelenting protests and consequent tragic deaths last year.’
The very acknowledgement of the ‘alienation’ on part of interlocutors gives lie to the Indian propaganda that Kashmiris have reconciled to Indian rule and ‘expressed their faith on Indian democracy’ {the leitmotif we hear after every election amidst the boycott call by Hurayat Conference}. It also is reflective of the indigenous nature of the movement and deflates the Indian balloon that the movement is Pakistan sponsored. The amount of violence in movement too melts down before the assertion of the panelists. It also underlines the factor of deep rooted alienation behind the last year’s summer uprising. In a way the panel headed by eminent Indian journalist Padgoankar turns approver against the political establishment which manufactured violence and resorted to ‘give the dog a bad name and kill it’ strategy to suppress the movement.

Read the “confession” again. As gets outpoured from the interlocutors {sometimes pricks of conscience force you to vomit out you want to hide under proverbial seven covers}, it is the fear of Intifadah breaking out again and holding Kashmir in its thrall that continues to weigh heavily on the minds of rulers in Delhi and their lackeys in Kashmir that Kashmir continues to be ruled through regime of AFSPA and PSAs. The fear is also reflective of the imperialistic hold of Delhi, ‘exposing’ simultaneously, its democratic claim. That is why we see leaders like Geelani being deprived of his right to offer Friday prayer in the Masjid and restricted him from holding peaceful assembly.

Tuesday, 7 June 2011

Protect children in Jammu and Kashmir-Sign The Petition


It’s not much fun being a teenage boy in Kashmir


Despite an obligation under international law to treat anyone below 18 as a child, police in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) continue to jail 16- and 17-year old boys as adults!


17-year old Murtaza Manzoor was detained without charge by the police in January 2011. He was held for nearly four months in a prison that had no special facilities for children.


Although India has amended its national juvenile justice law to make it consistent with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the law in the state of J&K has not yet been updated.


Murtaza is not alone. Many other boys aged between 16 and 18 years are falling through the cracks in J&K’s juvenile justice laws and being treated as adults.

The Chief Minister of J&K, Omar Abdullah, has recognised the need for reform in this area. To make sure these reforms happen, we need you to urge the Chief Minister to begin by amending the Jammu and Kashmir Juvenile Justice Act (JKJJA) in the 2011 Monsoon session of the J&K Assembly.


Your signature can make a difference!


We will deliver your signatures in the form of a letter to the Chief Minister of the state as well as other key parliamentarians.


Take Action:


I call upon the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir to amend the Jammu and Kashmir Juvenile Justice Act, to bring it in line with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child...

Click this link to sign the petition:


http://www.amnesty.org/en/protect-children-jammu-kashmir

Wednesday, 1 June 2011

Held Kashmir and introspections


By: Naveed Qazi


Indian-Held Kashmir has been transformed from a beautiful vale to a wretched conflict, like a despondent poet, blossoming in pain, reciting ballads of war and violence. It has been torn to pieces by the many ill facets of ghastly wars. Only failures have made a political history here, awakening the memory of death and suffering every hour amidst the countless helpless victims of the conflict.
Indian-Held Kashmir is a land of failed political conjectures, broken dreams and frenzied mistrust. Words like ‘hope’, ‘agreements’, ‘developments’ have existed here, but only as rich rhetoric, through various political commentators and stillborn leaders. Ever since the conflict intensified, Held Kashmir has become the literary obsession of various observers, historians and activists, whose dissent has been faced with strong confrontation. The scope for visionary introspection has been weakening, like a senile old man struggling to resist. As time passes, India is now attempting to completely move away from calling the Kashmir issue as any dispute at all. In recent years, governance and elections have been taken as a final resolution. Any discourse attempted is taken into consideration only under the ambit of the Indian constitution. Western countries and Indian allies are viewing the problem as silent spectators due to their geo-strategical and economic interests. Reasoned debate has also started to get eroded. Many Hindu nationalist intellectuals have been rewriting history and projecting India as a Hindu country rather than a secular country. This propaganda has concerned Pakistan about the Muslim brethren across the Line of Control. A clear and coherent public opinion needs to be institutionalised and revolutionised. The psychological attitude pertaining among Kashmiris in Indian-held territory is that they feel occupied.
There is no substitute for a resolution other than a sincere dialogue and process of self-determination. Kashmiris are frustrated due to lack of political freedom for decades and are saddled in social and economic grievances. It has made the need for a resolute resolution more pressing. Unless someone won’t recognise the depths of these wounds, it will only help in facilitating brinkmanship and belligerence. –Countercurrents

Monday, 30 May 2011

On Kashmir India acts as a police state, not as a democracy

By Mirza Waheed



Many years ago, I met two journalists from India in London and we found ourselves talking about Kashmir. Mostly, they listened patiently to my impassioned tale of what goes on, but the moment I touched upon the brutal counter-insurgency methods employed by the Indian security apparatus in the disputed territory – among them notorious "catch-and-kill" operations to execute suspected militants – they looked incredulous, made a quick excuse and left. Later, I learned that at least one of them believed that Kashmiris liked to exaggerate the excesses of the Indian armed forces.

In the reaction of those two men, I had witnessed the frightening success of India's policy of denial and misrepresentation on Kashmir. India's decision to censor the Economist last week, following the publication of a map that shows the disputed borders of Kashmir, represents two unsurprising but ominous things: that the country's age-old intransigence over Kashmir still runs deep; and its willingness to curb freedom of speech over what it sees as sensitive matters of national interest. On Kashmir India continues to behave as a police state, not as the champion of democracy and freedom that it intends to be.

There is nothing astonishing or new in this. For decades, India has not only been unwilling to solve one of the world's most tragic conflicts but has scuttled any attempt at meaningful discourse on the issue, both internationally and within the country. The ultimately pointless attempt at censorship by asking the magazine to paste stickers on a representation of areas controlled by India, Pakistan and China is, sadly, in line with its inflexible and deeply flawed Kashmir policy. To come good on its insistence that "Kashmir is an integral part of India" – and it does lash out at any attempt to suggest otherwise – it maintains the world's largest military presence in a single region, to suppress the revolt that erupted against its rule in 1989. An uprising that continues in the form of a civilian resistance.

Last year, in what we now remember as Kashmir's bloody summer, its paramilitaries and police killed more than a hundred protesters, most of them young men and schoolchildren. Among those killed was Sameer Rah, a nine-year-old boy from Srinagar, who was bludgeoned to death and his body dumped by a kerb. The image of his bruised, purple body is now permanently etched in the collective consciousness of Kashmiris at home and across the world, and may haunt India's political and intellectual elites for a long time. In response to this brutalisation of a people – the Kashmir valley remained in virtual siege for weeks – a cogent narrative of what I call "new dissent" began to evolve in Kashmir and India, scripted by Kashmiris themselves and by some of India's bravest public intellectuals, writers and journalists.

However, both the central government and its clients in the state tried everything to suppress this new wave of dissent; they introduced draconian measures to silence the voice of Kashmiris and their supporters in Delhi. TV channels were forced off air, newspapers were not allowed to print for weeks, text messaging was banned, and later on, in India's capital, a lower court even charged Arundhati Roy with sedition. But the urge to report to the world what was unfolding in Kashmir was ultimately unstoppable. Kashmiri youth turned to social media to get the word out.

And it did get out, aided by India's fascinatingly diverse intelligentsia and those sections of the Indian media that have of late started to look at Kashmir with new understanding and empathy, and not through the disingenuous prism of national interest.

The Economist's map on Kashmir – which must have received many more page views than had it not been declared contraband – contains nothing that contests historical facts or misrepresents ground reality. Essentially, the magazine has produced a graphical account of geopolitical status in the region – namely, Kashmir is a disputed territory, with India and Pakistan as the main contestants, but Kashmiris as the central party as it is their future that has been a point of dispute. A dispute that the UN recognises as such in its charter of 1948 – and in its maps. I have found maps produced by the UN to be the most accurate and impartial.

When, and why, do states censor maps? Mostly when the operating principle seems to be denial and obfuscation. For years, the Indian state has attempted to delegitimise people's aspirations in Kashmir, either by raising the bogey of Islamism or lumping together the challenge to its authority in Kashmir with the US-led war on terror. For most of the 1990s and the early years of the new millennium it succeeded. Ironically, as a consequence of the emergence of "new India" and the burgeoning of the country's affluent middle classes, the Economist – a magazine previously considered the preserve of business elites – is now selling more copies in India. It is seen as influential, and capable of altering opinion – hence the kneejerk reaction to the map. The Indian government is doing a huge disservice to its democratic credentials by trying to confiscate the truth about one of the world's most tragic, intractable and dangerous conflicts



Source: The Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk)

Tuesday, 10 May 2011

FRONTLINE KASHMIR page with 28,000 members blocked in Kashmir and India by TRAI. Hell with Indian Democracy

In another bid to muzzle the voice of innocent and oppressed Kashmiris, Telecom regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) has blocked the URL of the largest Pro-freedom Kashmiri facebook Page "FRONTLINE KASHMIR" with 28,000 above regular members. FRONTLINE KASHMIR page is no more visible in Occupied Kashmir and in India. It was the page which spearheaded the Online Struggle of the Kashmiris against the illegitimate occupation of Kashmir by the Indian forces. It used to update and inform the masses about the atrocities and crimes committed by the Indian forces and it's puppet authorities against the innocent Kashmiris. This page was also hacked previously in August 2010 by the Indian hackers but admins were successfully able to rebuild the page.

India claims to be the largest democracy of the world, yet it's hell bent on snatching all the basic human rights of Kashmiris. Local and Foreign media is banned in Kashmir since last summer and only Pro-indian media networks are allowed to operate in Occupied Kashmir. Facebook is the only mean to keep the world updated and informed about the daily happenings but now Indian authorities are trying to put a curb on social networks too, using all its means to suppress the voice of oppressed Kashmiris who are struggling for Freedom from India since past 63 years.

India can try to silence us by torturing us, killing our brothers, raping our sisters and detaining our elders, putting curbs on media and blocking our pages and websites but it won't be able to break our resolve, determination, Passion and motivation for the Freedom Of Kashmir.


Facebook link : www.facebook.com/kashmirazadi

Asscociated pages : 

www.facebook.com/aalaw
 www.facebook.com/KashmirTheBurningParadise

Twitter page :

https://twitter.com/#!/FK_kashmir

Sunday, 24 April 2011

"Don't die so soon my son....Oh my beloved son – won’t you miss me,’’


When the boys carry the stretcher through the narrow swampy street, there is rage even in their steps. Suddenly the slogans sound like rhythmic wails. A child watches from a window as an elderly woman holds him tight and then showers almonds and sweets. Few fall on the body, wrapped in a colourful blanket.
It is already dark and the mourners try to find their way, guided by the light of their cell phone torches. Fida Nabi (17) is returning home one last time and his funeral procession is like a volcano of anger, a little confrontation with the security men can trigger a violent protest.


The government has already decided to re-impose curfew after a day of hiatus and now officials are waiting anxiously to know the family’s plan to bury this teenager. Fida had been at the fore front of several protests. Tonight dozens of his teenager friends, assembled from across the downtown city, are seething with anger. Afuneral procession in the day meant trouble so the streets are emptied off police and security men way ahead of time to avoid confrontation. The police officers are encouraging the family to conduct the burial in the dark ofida nabif the night. The local police officer sends a message too. The orders have come from the top and pleas were followed by threats - we won’t allow more than 15 people to accompany the body after the sun rise.

The elders don’t discuss the proposals of the police. They consult each other in whispers. The anger has spilled over the streets and with each passing moment more boys are arriving. There is something very common among Fida’s friends – their eyes are moist, wails hoarse and each one of them carries a large piece of green or black cloth mask covering their heads. For a moment, they act adult and shout political slogans. Then the pain of losing a dear friend reaches its threshold and they cry like little boys. Few are accompanied by mothers too. During this latest wave of mass protests here, teenagers have formed the forward lines of the Azadi groundswell as if the baton of the struggle has been silently handed over to them.The police and CRPF often open fire and they take bullets as well – in chest, neck and head. This real threat of death, however, has not deterred them to come out on the streets.

It is clear that the children born during and after the first uprising of 1990 have finally come of age.

We have seen, heard and felt this war from the time we came to our senses. There are hardly any happy memories.’’ Fida’s friend Nisar (name changed on request) says.

" I have seen the first funeral while I was in my mother’s lap. My mother had to carry me along when I was just eighteen days old. Her cousin had been killed and she couldn’t bear to stay home. Of course I don’t remember it but my mom has repeated even the minutest details of it so many times that it has become an essential part of our family lore’’. He says Fida is his second friend to die in CRPF firing in a week’s time.

Fida’s story is tragic and it has in a way come to symbolise the tale of an entire generation, born in the conflict, during these protests. I dig a bit deeper to know Fida and the picture that emerged fits any regular teenager. He loved trendy clothes, wore a ring for good luck and carried a friendship band around his wrest.

In a photograph clicked by his older brother Aabid recently, he stands as if a model is posing to promote a jeans line. His jet black hair is cropped in style and it seems he has purposely let a few curls touch his left eye brow. He is wearing a golden colour necklace and his white shirt is spotless. But what caught my eye is his casual gaze. Like any 17-year-old, he tried to look hip. "He would never take his necklace off. It was a gift, perhaps,’’ recalls Aabid.

"He was more of a friend than a younger brother to me’’. Aabid says he had recently started wearing a Kuffiyeh – the Arab style scarves that became a statement of resistance after Yasir Arafat popularized it.

"He had seen a friend wearing it and got one too. He loved to do things that would make him stand out,’’ Aabid says. He says he saw him change recently.

"Ever since these protests started, he was restless and angry,’’ Aabid says. "I think he was very sensitive. Whenever a soldier or a policeman would stop us to show our identity cards or frisk us, he would feel angry. He thought they always look (forces) for a chance to humiliate us’’.

On August, 3, Fida had been at home in Usman Abad, a residential colony that has recently come up in the marshy paddy fields in the city outskirts. Eight months ago, his family had shifted from Nawabazar - a congested neighbourhood in politically volatile downtown. The construction of the house was yet to complete but Fida’s parents decided to move in anyway.

They wanted to take their three sons, particularly Fida, away from the downtown. Fida had quit school soon after he had passed the matric examination. Worried, his father Ghulam Nabi – who works as a salesman at a shop - had made him promise to appear in class 11 examination as a private student. He had also given him money to buy second hand clothes and helped him to put a cart in the Sunday Market along the residency road.

Aabid says Fida liked this new arrangement. He would work on Sundays and have all week free for fun. But he couldn’t carry on for too long. Again his father intervened and this time helped him (Fida) to find a salesman’s job at an acquaintance’s shop. "He was working at Sana garments in Safakadal these days,’’ Aabid says.

Once the current wave of protests started, Fida became restless.

"The shop is in the middle of the downtown city. He knew several among the boys who were protesting. His friends had been injured too while protesting. Many of them had been arrested bythe police,’’ Aabid recalls.

"He was there when Tufail (On June, 11, Tufail Ahmad Mattoo (17) who was killed when a policeman fired a plastic pellet straight on his head, killing him instantaneously and triggering this latest wave of protests) was buried’’. The garment shop was shut because of the unrest, but every day Fida would leave home to join his friends in downtown.

"He never wanted to come to this new house. He would tell us that each time he comes to this new house, he feels he has left his heart in those narrow lanes of the old city. He was a boyfrom the old city’’.

Fida seemed to have loved the congestion and mess of the old city - an affection that was not one sided.

That day, he had been playing carrom with his younger brother and few visiting friends at the family’s new house.

"He didn’t like it here in Usman Abad but once we shifted here, he had made few friends in the neighbourhood,’’ Aabid says.

The government had clamped a strict curfew over the city but there were reports that boys were defying it everywhere. Fida had been talking to his friends on phone. His brother Aabid had not come home for a week ever since he had gone to cover protests in Baramulla because of the curfew. Aabid takes pictures for a local newspaper. "I had called home in the morning. He didn’t let me talk to mom properly and snatched the phone from her. He wanted to talk to me. He sounded cheerful,’’ Aabid recalls. "He wanted me to come home. I was insisting even as I told him there is curfew. When I recall that conversation, I feel perhaps he had a premonition ’’.

His mother Zahida Nabi had pleaded with him not to step out. "I won’t let you go out today. It’s scary out there,’’ Zahida recalls.

So he stayed home. At 6.30 in the evening, a large procession had assembled on the main road. Fida heard the sounds of the slogans and couldn’t stop himself. He stepped out, escaping the eye of his mother. The procession was going towards the city. By the time his mother Zahida knew, he had run to join the protest. A large contingent of police and CRPF had already arrived to prevent the protestors to enter the city at Shaltang junction.

"I saw him standing near the parapet. I was about to call him and suddenly there was firing. I saw him holding his face with his hands and then he fell down,’’ Fida’s uncle Mohammad Amin recalls. "A bullet fired by a CRPF men ricocheted off a rock and pierced through his cheek. He was lying there. There was chaos all around and I couldn’t go closer’’. Finally, Fida was picked up and rushed to hospital.

For five days, his mother waited patiently in the corridor outside the Intensive Care ward of Sher-e-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences, occasionally slipping in to see him breathe. At 10.15 pm on Sunday, Fida died. The doctor pulled the sheet over his head and walked away silently. "He’s alive,’’ Zahida Nabi screamed, putting her ear close to his chest to hear that little sound of life. Then she pulled her hair and tried to suckle him as if he was a baby. " Wake up my son– wake up – just once. I promise I will never scold you again,’’ she shouted, pleading with her dead son as if to break his sleep.

The family and friends too were around and they rushed to arrange an ambulance to Fida home. "I didn’t know what to do. So I started calling friends,’’ Aabid recalls. "He died. Can you imagine? He is only 17. Have you seen his pictures? He was a handsome boy,’’ Aabid says and breaks down.

"I just wish I had been with him. I want to see him one time the way he used to be. The bullet had disfigured his face. I want to see him smile. Oh God. Why did this happen?’’

Every human being has a measure of protection against pain. I feel I have reached my threshold. For years, I have witnessed blood and gore and felt numb but Aabid’s words pierce through my protective shell. The wails suddenly feel like sharp daggers, slicing through my heart. I didn’t know how to respond and walk away slowly. A few yards ahead, a group of boys are sitting silently in a dark corner. I join them. Their attire suggests they are all Fida’s friends. I am unable to see their faces and gauge the mood. But I start anyway and begin with small talk. They are forthcoming. Perhaps they have seen me talk to Aabid which gives them the confidence. These boys generally avoid talking to reporters. In fact, they detest media and are convinced that their story is always distorted. Did he throw stones? I ask. "Yes but only when the police and CRPF stopped the procession. I do too,’’ his friend, who didn’t give his name, says. "We want Azadi. We shout protest and shout slogans. The police and CRPF don’t like it. They try to catch us and we throw stones’’. He says Fida is a martyr. "His blood won’t go waste,’’ he insists. His voice is hoarse – perhaps he has been shouting slogans for days. I didn’t ask. Although the boys are polite, I can feel the anger.

A few yards ahead, an elderly man tries to convince a large group of angry teenagers to let them bury him (Fida) in the local graveyard. It is evident that the elders feel the situation can go out of control. "They (police and CRPF) won’t allow us even to reach the main road during the day. They won’t let us go all the way to Nawabazar and then to Shaheed Mazar (Eidgah) to bury him. They are saying only 15 people can accompany his body,’’ an elder tells the boys. The teenagers are angry and are in no mood to budge. Their plan is to take the body to Nawabazar in downtown, wait for the sunrise and then take out a funeral procession to the neighbouring Eidgah where they want to bury him in `Behishtay Shohdaye Kashmir’. This graveyard is the biggest in the valley and was exclusively set up for all those men and women who were killed by security men during the last two decades. Hundreds of militants too are buried there.

There is chaos and a few elderly women too pitch in to convince the boys. At one point, the teenagers give in. The elders organize Jinaza, the funeral prayer, in a hurry and the body is taken towards the local graveyard in neighbouring Parimpora. On their way, the boys change their mind and place the stretcher carrying Fida’s body on the Srinagar-Baramulla highway. Minutes ago, an army convoy had passed through and the elders apprehend a clash. After a lot of pleading, the boys agree to bring the body back home.

Fida’s body is placed in the middle of a tent, erected in an empty plot of land, especially for the mourners. Dozens of women encircle it. Soon Fida’s mother Zahida Nabi brings henna to paint the little finger of his left hand – a local custom to prepare a groom before he leaves to the bride’s home. "He is a groom. He is a groom,’’ Zahida repeats. The crowd gets hysterical. And as the blanket is lifted off his face for a final glimpse, a few women shower almonds and sweets on his body. Fida’s mother starts singing dirges in Kashmiri.

"Don’t die so soon my son– your nails are still wet with henna - Oh my friend – Oh my beloved son – won’t you miss me,’’ she sang as everyone repeated.

"Oh my martyr – Oh my martyr, are you thirsty – are you thirsty’’. Soon Fida’s teenager friends start shouting Azadi slogans. Zahida starts franticly hugging Fida’s body. There is a girl, holding Fida’s feet and crying silently. Hours later Aabid tells me, Fida was seeing her. "She is devastated. They have had a little fight that morning and she wouldn’t take his calls,’’ he says. "Now she will never get a chance to talk to him (Fida) again’’.

The police had been consistently sending messages asking not to delay the burial till the morning. Sensing the tension, a group of elders finally yield to the pressure of the boys and decide to quickly arrange for a truck to take the body to Nawabazar. "They won’t let us bury him here. So let’s see what happens once we reach Nawabazar,’’ an elder says. At around 3 am, the funeral procession finally leaves. The city is dark and empty – the security men have retreated to their sand bunkers and camps. The elders, however, don’t take chances and guide the truck through narrow lanes to avoid security bunkers. "We don’t want to even take a slight risk. We are avoiding to pass by any security bunker,’’ says Masood Ahmad, a businessman and a neighbor of the family. "The boys are shouting slogans and if they (security men) react angrily, there will be a massacre’’.

In Nawabazar, the boys jump off the truck and quickly make an announcement over the mosque loudspeaker. A CRPF man walks out slowly to check but returns to his bunker immediately. Soon the residents start waking up and come out in dozens, rubbing their eyes. Another funeral prayer is organized – this time right in the chowk. The security men watch from the pigeon holes of their bunker but don’t venture out. Perhaps, there are orders not to confront the people tonight.

The residents remember him and his four childhood friends, playing cricket in the inner lane on every strike day. Waseem, Bari, Suhail and Basit are all accompanying their bosom friend for his last journey.

"We have met and become friends here. We wanted to bring him here one last time,’’ Waseem explains.

"It means a lot to us. If anyone among was there in his place, he would have done the same’’.

Fida was born here. When he died, every family in Nawabazar wept for him. Even the children have come out in the dead of the night to bid him a final goodbye. "We have carried you in our laps – we have loved you – you were our boy with beautiful eyes – how can you leave us,’’ women wail as they stand in semi circles around the stretcher that carries his body. Fida is a son of a thousand mothers here. Though his father Ghulam Nabi was from Sopore, he had married in Nawabazar and soon left his ancestral home to live in a rented house, near his in-laws.

The boys pick up the stretcher again. Their plan is to keep the body inside the mosque and wait. A local cleric, however, intervenes and pacifies them. Finally, a procession moves towards the Eidgah graveyard.

At 5 am, Fida is buried next to his friend Anees who was killed last week. "He (Fida) had come and helped dig the grave and carry mounds of earth,’’ his friend Waseem recalls. "We didn’t know, he is the next’’.

It is already dawn. The sky over Srinagar is overcast. Within an hour, the soldiers will be again on the streets to impose curfew.

PS: Fida’s friends tried to organize a blood donation camp at his house in Usman Abad neighbourhood but the police didn’t allow the officials of the Blood Bank from SMHS hospital to come.



Courtesy: Muzammil Jaleel for The Indian Express
Source : Bloodied Rivers of Kashmir