Even ridiculously incongruous and unreasonable things make front-page news here. That is why most journalists often like their stories (news reports) datelined Kashmir. The daily Telegraph (Kolkatta) came up with a news report which, in journalistic parlance could be termed as “fine piece of excellent absurdity”. In its December 13 (2010) issue, the newspaper reported that Syed Ali Geelani is mulling handing over the baton of his political struggle to his elder son Naeem Geelani. Ironically the incredulous story was written by none other than the newspapers’ credulous Roving editor Sankarshan Thakur.
Sankarshan is a regular Kashmir visitor and is an old at reporting from here. He is known for incisive reporting and elegant writing style. Most of his Kashmir copies are insightful and discerning. But his latest Kashmir copy is, in complete sense of term, below the common standards of journalism. He appears to have either been misled by his Kashmir contacts or has himself misread Geelani’s son’s home-coming. Whatever the facts, one thing is clear that journalists, howsoever high profile they might be, are vulnerable to “plants” and “fabricated” new stories in Kashmir. They too are often carried away by misinformation and propaganda. It is for this fact that the Telegraph “scoop” was completely ignored by Kashmir-based journalists.
Naeem Geelani recently returned from Pakistan. His 12-year stay in that country had all along been apolitical and personal. He left Kashmir in 1998 when counter-insurgent Ikhwanis were virtually ruling the Kashmir street. Jamaat-e-Islami leaders and workers and their relatives were the main target of Ikhwanis. Hundreds of Jamaat leaders and supporters including Abdul Razaq Mir (who represented Kulgam constituency in state Assembly twice—1972 and 1987), Budgam district head Mohammad Ismael Butt, Dr Mahmood Ahmad (chief medical officer Anantnag), Nazir Ahmad Nayak (Tehsil Ameer Shopian), Ghulam Hassan Lone (district secretary Pulwama), Advocate Mohammad Sultan Bhat, Master Abdul Khaliq Dar besides hundreds others had been killed by the counter-insurgent Ikhwanis. Hundreds of other Jamaat activists and supporters were forced to migrate from their localities to safer places.
Syed Ali Geelani, being the prominent face of the Jamaat, was no exception. The Ikhwanis shot dead Geelani’s brother-in-law Habeebullah Makhdoomi at Tujjar in Sopore. They sealed off Geelani’s house at Dooru throwing the inmates out on the road. The Ikhwanis later blasted the house by IEDs. By then Geelani, for political exigency, had settled in Srinagar. The Ikhwanis fired rockets and grenades at his house in Srinagar several times. He also escaped an attempt on his life when Ikhwanis intruded into his house at Hyderpora on December 31, 1997 allegedly to kill him. Geelani then alleged that the attackers had army’s cover. Timely intervention by police saved him. The Ikhwanis also hunted for Geelani’s relatives. A group of Ikhwan gunmen raided Soura Medical Institute to fix his son Naeem, who was a doctor there. Naeem somehow escaped the Ik
hwan raid and fled to Delhi wherefrom he went to Pakistan. Naeem traveled to Pakistan on a valid passport. It is a widely known fact, including for all the government agencies, that Naeem restricted himself to his medical profession without indulging in political activism in Pakistan. That was perhaps the reason that the government agencies allowed his safe return. Reading politics in it would simply be exhibiting ignorance about how leadership evolves in Jamaat-e-Islami.Personality cults and family legacy are not factors in the organizational and leadership building of Jamaat-e-Islami. It has a well-defined system of evolving new leadership where merit (of a person) counts as the only prerequisite. Before deliberating on the issue of leadership in the Jamaat it is important to understand what the party stands for and how does its organizational structure work.
Jamaat-e-Islami, in essence, is the Islamic revivalist movement based and evolved around a revolutionary concept of Islam. Its intellectual inspiration comes from the writings and thoughts of Syyed Abul A’la Maududi, who along with the great Islamic poet and thinker Dr Iqbal tremendously influenced contemporary Muslim thinking in south Asia. Jamaat was set up by Moulana Maududi on August 26, 1941 at Lahore.
“The objective of the Islamic movement, in this world, is revolution in leadership. A leadership that has rebelled against God and His guidance and is responsible for the suffering of mankind has to be replaced by a leadership that is God-Conscious, righteous and committed to following Divine guidance. This implies a change of leadership at all levels of life--intellectual, moral, technological, social, economic and political, national and international-- and the reorganization of human life to accord with the ideals and values revealed by God for the guidance of mankind. Striving to achieve this noble purpose, we believe, will secure God's favor in this world and the next” ("Objective of the Islamic Movement by Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi)
This makes Jamaat distinctively different from other political, cultural and social organizations. It also lays down the rules for the leadership in the Jamaat. It is the level of Islamic learning, commitment to following Divine Guidance, voluntary participation, dedication and contribution to the cause and party that matters most in the Jamaat. The supporters (of the party) are sorted keeping in mind their understanding, commitment and dedication to the party. The Jamaat hierarchy, at the bottom, begins with the sympathizer (Hamdard or Muttasir), then the Affiliate (Muttafiq), then associate member (Umeedwar-e-Rukniyat) and finally basic member (rukun). It is the rukun (basic member) who is qualified for any political or administrative assignment in the party. The first two categories (Hamdard and Muttafiq) have no official role in the party. They are those who favour Islamic order and help in spreading the message of the Jammat. They rather serve as a pool from which basic members are drawn.
No one can claim for basic membership (rukniyat) without traversing through the first two categories. It takes years (on occasions more than 10 years) to get the membership of the Jamaat. How difficult is it to become rukun of the Jamaat can be understood by the fact that despite being 65-year old party (Jamaat in Kashmir was formed in 1945) the Jamaat, in Jammu and Kashmir, has just around 2000 basic members (arkaan).
The arkaan too have been categorized differently according to their capacity, share of knowledge, Islamic learning, social service, public standing and, over and above all, dedication to the party and commitment to its cause. It is the degree of knowledge of Islam (Quran, hadith, Seerat—life of Prophet Peace Be Upon Him—Fiqah, history and other sources of Islamic knowledge) and “taqwa” (true love and fear of Allah manifested in pure acts of worship) that qualifies a rukun for a party post. The Ameer (party chief) has to be the most knowledgeable and God-fearing person. One is not entitled to any position in the Jamaat barely for being a son, daughter or a close relative of a party leader. That is why we do not see any of the sons of Moulana Maudoodi (the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami) occupying any position in Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami. In Kashmir too none of the sons of Jamaat founders Moulana Saad-Ud-Din, Qari Saifuddin and Moulana Ghulam Ahmad Ahraar or any other leader have ever held any position in the Jamaat hierarchy.
The rukniyat (basic membership) is not absolute. It is conditioned with the person’s continued dedication and commitment with the party. A rukun is supposed to lose his membership soon after he gets lackadaisical in performing the party duty. Syed Ali Geelani was suspended from the rukniyat of the party in 1977 for preferring his political engagements (he was MLA then) over party assignments. Moulana Hakeem Ghulam Nabi (late), one of the senior-most Jamaat leaders who after Moulana Saad-Ud-Din served as Ameer-e-Jamaat for maximum period, too was suspended for same reasons from the basic membership of the party.
Syed Ali Geelani is not in the Jamaat now but all the office bearers and cadres of his Tehreek-e-Hurriyat are from Jamaat-e-Islami. The Tehreek’s leadership, organizational structure, intellectual inspiration, political material, cadre building and operational methodology—all has been derived from the Jamaat. The Tehreek general secretary Ashraf Sahrayee has served Jamaat as general secretary for quite a long time. He is respected as the most selfless, committed and scholarly leader by Jamaat cadres. He has set the Jamaat standards in building Tehreek as a leading politico-religious entity. Dr Ghulam Mohammad Ganai, Shah Wali Mohammad, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah, Ayaz Akbar, Altaf Shah, who form the Tehreek’s top leadership are all from Jamaat-e-Islami.
Syed Ali Geelani is well aware of these standard procedures and principles of leadership building in Jamaat. It would be naïve to think and say that Geelani would appoint his son or any other relative as his successor.
A middle-rung leader of the Tehreek told the Honour that, in 2007, Naeem Geelani briefly returned from Pakistan and applied for the membership of the Tehreet-e-Hurriyat. But Ashraf Sahrayee rejected his form saying “he (Naeem) does not qualify for the Tehreek membership”. He said that it was the only occasion when Naeem had exhibited interest in party and politics.
Moving beyond the Jamaat and Tehreek, dynasty politics and pedigree has no scope in freedom movements too. It is the personal investment in terms of commitment to the cause and the readiness to sacrifice for the cause that makes one relevant to the situations in freedom movements. In power politics it is easy to rise on the father’s shoulders but freedom movements demand personal involvement and investment. Despite having the baggage of mainstream politics, Syed Ali Geelani today stands tall of all leaders not for the stamina and stock he comes from. It is rather the honesty of the purpose, consistency, determination and perseverance that has elevated him in stature and standing of all other leaders.
There is no denying the fact that many people in Kashmir share little with Geelani’s ideology (he is pro-Pakistan) and methodology. But he is praised by his admirers and opponents equally. A few years back I, along with Nazir Masoodi (NDTV), happened to meet Gujjar spiritual leader Mian Bashir at his Baba Nagri residence in Kangan. He was all praise for Syed Ali Geelani. “I do not agree with his (Geelani) political or religious ideology but I respect him as the most honest political voice in Kashmir,” Mian said. “He has just one stand, and does not dither left and right,” he added though with some disdain for other leaders who claim to be espousing cause of freedom.
Syed Ali Shah Geelani recently featured in MENSXP.com’s nomination list of most powerful 20 politicians who influenced the course of year 2010 in India. Geelani achieved an average score of 9.30 out of 10 from the voters as compared to 3.9 to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh. The MENSXP.com defined the octogenarian Geelani as a prominent political leader from Jammu and Kashmir and the political face of 'Azadi'. The online magazine said Geelani’s ‘X’ factor has been his ability to lead despite surviving a renal cancer and his adamancy to court arrest and controversy for the Azadi cause. Geelani launched “quit Kashmir” campaign last year which paralyzed Kashmir for five months.
Today when age and health are not on Geelani’s side, deliberating on his successor is all but natural. As a neutral observer, one is constrained to say that the nominations and designations matter little in such movements. It is the appeal and attraction of the person that brings him into the focus of attention.
There is a battery of other leaders in Geelani-led Tehreek and Hurriyat Conference, who have carved out a niche for themselves by their conduct, commitment and conviction. Ashraf Sahrayee, Masarat Alam Bhat and Ghulam Nabi Sumjhi are three prominent faces who are known for their uncompromising and hardnosed character. While Ashraf Sahrayee’s leadership qualities are not hidden, Masarat Alam, as leader, made his impression during last year’s “quit Kashmir” movement. What makes them more relevant is the strong record of personal and
individual sacrifices they made.
The High Court Bar President Mian Abdul Qayoom is another man to be
watched. Mian Qayoom led a successful campaign in 2008 to force government to withdraw land allotm ent order to Shri Amarnath Shrine Board. The land row agitation lasted for about three months during which some of the biggest ever freedom rallies (at Eid Gah, TRC Ground and Pampore) were held besides the attempt at a cross LOC march in which hundred s of thousands of people participated.
On the other side of the separatist spectrum Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Shabir Shah , Yasin Malik, Professor Abdul Gani Bhat, Bilal Gani Lone, Naeem Khan and several others could not be ignored. "Mirwaiz represents a strong family constituency in old Srinagar which serves as his ready-made audience. But he is facing a strange kind of conflict. While his followers are mostly pro-Pakistan, Mirwaiz is open to other ideas as well. That has made his position shaky even
among his own followers."For his long spell in jails and commitment to his cause, Shabir Shah is another contender. The pro-independence thought as propounded by JKLF is perhaps the most popular and commonly accepted in Kashmir. Its leaders in both camps (JKLF is divided in two factions) could exploit it to their advantage. Yasin Malik, the most prominent in all factions of JKLF has been trying to consolidate this ideological acceptance into grass-root level support. In the past he undertook two major ventures (signature campaign and Safar-e-Azadi) across the state to consolidate his support base.
However, if Geelani indicates his choice from among a few names acceptable to the Jamaat idealogy that may carry a lot of weight.
