Remembering Gow Kadal Massacre

'Young boy shielded us, braved bullets on his chest’ Hakeem Irfan Srinagar. “Blood-stained bodies were spread all around. I was motionless, pretending as dead so that the troops don’t kill me.” This is how Muhammad Altaf Qureshi recollects the tragic memories of the most bloody military action against protesters Kashmir has ever witnessed since the outbreak of militancy in 1989.

Qureshi, 50, was part of the pro-freedom procession on January 21, 1990 but, Qureshi recounts, the moment the procession reached Gow Kadal, a city interior adjacent to Lal Chowk, cops from India’s Central Reserve Police Force showered bullets leaving at least 50 persons dead many more injured. The procession is said to have been provoked by strict curfew and security restrictions. “I was fortunate enough to live up to this day. I think survived by the grace of Allah so that I could tell the story of that black day to my future generations,” says Qureshi.While the incident is locally called ‘Gow Kadal massacre’, Qureshi believes was the “ultimate example of resilience and commitment people had with their aspirations.”He goes on to reminisce thus: “A trooper was showering bullets from a short distance and one of the youngsters in the procession tried to shield the people, taking all the bullets in his chest. It was bravery beyond one’s imagination,” said Qureshi who was then watching bullets coming out of a carbine.According to Qureshi hundreds of people had marched from Jawahar Nagar and Ikhrajpora, raising slogans in favor of Islam, Freedom and Pakistan came out to defy the curfew and campaign for freedom. “However,” he says “participant did not know where to go. There was no set destination. Some were suggesting going straight to the UN office in Sonwar. But the rest were saying the people from the downtown should join so as to make it more impressive. That is why the procession turned towards the downtown via Gow Kadal.”Recalling finer details of the ‘Gow Kadal Massacre’, Qureshi says some of troops were masked and their gestures would suggest that they wanted to take “revenge”.

“I still remember that masked face of few of the troopers. I still remember the eyes of a trooper. His eyes were full of fury and revenge. I tried to jump in the river with my Kangri (Earthen firepot) but somehow I couldn’t,” says Qureshi adding, “I preferred to remain with the dead bodies of my neighbours and other participants. I knew for sure I will be shot. In the pool of blood, I closed my eyes and remembered my Allah, recited the Kalima and the face of my three- month-old daughter flashed my mind.”He further recollects, “That scene is still intact in my memories. We all were like sack of flesh and bones without any life. The whole Universe seemed to have frozen for nearly an hour,” says Qureshi in an uncomfortable tone, suggesting the pain even after the two decades. Cops of J&K Police, Qureshi says, lifted him and tried to take him to the other place after an hour but he says, “I still pretended to be seriously injured. But in a swift glance I could see women from a distance peeping through alleys, wailing and pleading the troopers for removing the dead and inured bodies.”“I was taken to a nearby fire station by the Police from where I called up my home where my family was waiting for my corpse after hearing the news of the massacre,” says Qureshi with nearly sobbing tone. According the Qureshi people were told to move towards Maisuma through public address systems with their hands up. Locals in Maisuma had started preparing food, eatables and heating systems for the stranded people as the curfew continued even after the incident.Local photo Journalist Mehrajudin has witnessed the dead bodies in the police control room soon after the ‘Massacre’. He says, “It was a gory scene. Troopers were crossing over the dead bodies probably for recognition. But I broke down into tears. Every body tried to console but to no effect. After that no tragedy made me so emotional.”Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) had also erected a plaque in memory of the people who died in the incident.

How New Delhi failed in JK?

Guest Post By: Zahir-ud-Din

Did New Delhi fail in winning the people of Jammu Kashmir over these years? Or, was the sentiment so strong that it could not uproot it in six decades?

During last year’s budget session, a legislator made a laughing stock of himself by saying: “If AFSPA is repealed, how can we move about?” Well said the legislator. At least he had the courage to admit the truth. In the garb of upholding democracy, they want a draconian legislation like AFSPA to `reach’ the public. In the same session, the members of the legislative assembly uttered the truth about Jammu Kashmir.

Responding to the memorandum of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) resolution seeking revocation of armed forces special powers act (AFSPA), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) members said: “We are in this house because the army is there to protect us.”

So during all these years, nothing has changed in the state. The BJP members admitted that the presence of army was necessary for holding Jammu Kashmir. If the army goes, India loses Jammu Kashmir. What a bold admission? The constituent assembly ratified Jammu Kashmir’s accession to India on February 6, 1954. Most of the members were loyal to the then Prime Minister, Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad and behaved accordingly. Little resistance was offered to the motion. It was unanimously passed by all the members the only honourable exception being Abdul Gani Goni who had the courage to talk about izzat aur aabiroo ka muqam (honour and dignity) for the people of the state. However, his resistance got drowned in the deafening applause of the members of the constituent assembly. Goni had to walk out of the house.
Here an attempt is not being made to glorify Goni. But, his speech in the constituent assembly helps one understand the situation that prevailed then in its right perspectives. It can also go a long way in making people understand the situation that has emerged now. Has anything changed in Jammu Kashmir since February 6, 1954?
Realising that the members of the constituent assembly mocked at him while he was speaking, Goni said: “Let us withdraw the Indian army for five days and see whom the house represents.”
This particular remark evoked severe reaction from the members but Goni had succeeded in putting across his message in very strong terms. During an exclusive interview with me during Amarnath land row in 2008 Goni said with authority that the motion could not be defeated for want of resources. He urged me not to divulge vital details of the interview during his life time. “I do not want to embarrass some people”, he urged. I have kept the promise.
On that day Goni conveyed to the house that they did not represent the people of Jammu Kashmir. He made them aware that they were delivering fiery speeches in favour of accession only because a huge army had strangulated the genuine aspirations of the people.
The BJP legislators are not the only ones to admit this harsh reality. Omar Abdullah promised repeal of AFSPA the day he assumed office of the chief minister. He also promised a debate on AFSPA in the legislative assembly. But New Delhi told him to behave like a good boy and he obeyed. He, however, could not tell the people about his failure to repeal the draconian legislation. His law minister, Ali Muhammad Sagar did it for him. He shocked the people by stating that AFSPA could not be repealed. “It has to remain there for some time”, he said. On behalf of National Conference and the coalition government he too admitted that the situation in Jammu Kashmir was not as rosy as it was being projected by the state information department.
Former Director General of Police (DGP), Gopal Sharma recently said, “Even as police were well equipped and trained to take on militants in Jammu Kashmir, army should not be withdrawn completely from there.
Though police have learnt a lot in the past 20 years of turmoil in the state in combating terrorism and have now been better equipped to fight insurgency, still army should not be withdrawn completely from there.” The former DGP made this observation while speaking in a panel discussion organised by the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) at the India International Center (IIC).
“I think army’s complete withdrawal from Jammu Kashmir is just not possible and great caution should be taken while thinking about the same,” Sharma added.
Now let us have a look on what government of India and its stooges in Jammu Kashmir did to win the people for New Delhi. Corruption in all its forms and manifestations was introduced and encouraged in the state. The media were gagged. Political activists were exiled. Some of them were jailed under defence of India rules (DIR), leadership was blackmailed, draconian laws were extended to the state, and the special status was diluted through legislative and administrative means. But the sentiment for freedom did not die down. It remained there though in a dormant phase for most of the time. But when the suppressed volcano made its way in 1987, New Delhi was surprised and shocked as well. The outside world was forced to focus attention once again on Jammu Kashmir.
Did New Delhi fail in winning the people of Jammu Kashmir over these years? Or, was the sentiment so strong that New Delhi could not uproot it in six decades? The questions merit special consideration.
For the past three years, the heads of various security agencies operating in the conflict ridden state have been giving details about number of militants, their modus operandi and the damage they have suffered from time to time. In one such statement, it was stated that 750 militants were active in the entire state. And according to the incumbent DGP, 20% of the militants had no guns. Does New Delhi need around half a million regular troops and an equal number of para-military forces and police personnel to fight 750 militants of whom 20% are without guns? The Indian army has been fighting insurgency since 1947. It is experienced enough to fight Jammu Kashmir insurgency effectively. And, it has now been established that Jammu Kashmir insurgency lacks the sting required to fight one of the biggest armies of the world. The US led allied troops on the other hand are fighting Afghans. The valiant people of Afghanistan have time and again proved their worth. Nobody has enslaved them to this day. Notwithstanding this, the number of allied troops in Afghanistan is not more than one hundred thousand. The massive concentration of troops in Jammu Kashmir cannot be justified by any means especially when there are a handful of militants around. What is the Indian army, therefore, fighting in Jammu Kashmir? A mindset or the militants?
The army is fighting a mindset. Or to put it plainly the sentiment is too strong to be uprooted or crushed by use of force. It has survived more than six decades of suppression. This is the reality of contemporary Kashmir. And this always has been Kashmir’s reality.

Z for Zalim: Semiotics and the Occupation of Kashmir

By: Shivam Vij

A for Apple and Z for Zebra. Children are taught the alphabet with the help of images. And the association of images with sound. It helps them associate the sound of A with the sound of Apple, and associate that in turn with the image of an apple. The alphabet book depend

s on images that may be familiar to children. The word Apple is a signifier, and the apple itself is the signified. This is, most simply, what semiotics or the study of signs and sign processes.

In a future world, if there are no zebras, alphabet books may have to replace the last entry with something else. What could it be? Zebra crossing? Zimbabwe?

Last week, the Jammu and Kashmir Police registered a case of sedition, defamation and criminal conspiracy against six officials of BoSE, the government’s very own Board of School Education, for this:

This is a page from a book called Baharistaan-e-Urdu. This attempt to teach Kashmiri children the Urdu alphabet (note to self: this is what I need to learn Nastaliq!) makes them say, “Zoi se Zalim,” Z for Zalim, meaning cruel. That is only one of four examples. The other two are: zaroof (utensils), zahir (visible) and zareef (humorist).

The maker of the textbook no doubt wanted to used such signifiers and signified images that Kashmiri children can relate to. So just as you could say P for Pheran and a child would know what that is, you could say Z for Zalim and refer to the security forces, because a child in Kashmir hears them be called that all the time. It is time for scholars of semiotics to study the Kashmir conflict, but it needs no scholar to tell you how this incident is illustrative of what the people of Kashmir, whom Indians say are fellow Indians, fell about the security forces Indians say provide security to the people of Kashmir.

It would be ridiculous to suggest that the maker of this textbook was not being political, or that the political import of this act is unintentional. Such is the repression in Kashmir that everyone is deeply aware, and in fact over-cautious about acts of speech. Who should this be said to, how should I frame it, should I keep my counsel? No, no, I don’t want azadi. Come tomorrow and I’ll want it.

The textbook image resembles a private security guard and not a policeman, but it is obvious that a “security” person is being used to stand-in for much more than, say, an ATM security guard. It is certainly not the image of a “hooligan” as the BoSE chairman would have us believe. That the textbook writer did not place a police, paramilitary or army person there is practical: the book wouldn’t have escaped attention on its way to the printing press. The clever toning down again suggests s/he was aware of how political his/her small act was. S/he knew it would go much farther in fostering dissent against the state than a post in a blog an op-ed in a newspaper.

The incident shows how easily, in the smallest of ways, the Indian state’s claims of Peace and Normalcy in Kashmir crumble! India and its Kashmir spokespersons and experts and defenders on Kashmir have been telling the whole world about how this was a Peaceful Year in Kashmir, because, well, the security forces were not asked to kill any stone-pelters by shooting into their skulls!

What a peaceful year it has been in the beautiful valley of Kashmir, indeed, a year so peaceful when a textbook published by the state was teaching Z for Zalim about people who provided this peace and security! What an ungrateful people indeed!

Writing in the Economic Times, Najeeb Mubarki is confused. He writes, “It is a truth often verified that school textbooks across south Asia are filled with hilarities and downright stupid mistakes. An exercise in seeking something to be offended by would probably throw up umpteen examples. That, in general, is a sad commentary on the primary school systems in the region.” And then he further writes: “…in its harsh suppression of dissent and opposition within Kashmir, in its seeking to blatantly —and, one might add, arguably illegally too — criminalise extant political realities in Kashmir, the administration often works and functions like a police state.” The state can’t possibly be crushing dissent and opposition here because according to Mubarki, there was no dissent in the textbook writer’s act, it was only a “downright stupid mistake,” a “hilarity” like the rest of her/his South Asian counterparts!

Mubarki wonders why the state police wastes time trawling through textbooks – but in fact, the book had been in circulation for a year. It could just have been that a police officer sat down to teach his child and was embarrassed to see this. (I wonder why Kashmiris sometimes try to suggest that state repression in Kashmir is mindless. See for instance this article by Burhan Qureshi that recollects memories of repression but not the revolt that the repression was responding to.)

Mubarki’s piece has an excellent title though: Where the state charges itself with sedition. It must be sad for the BoSE chief, Sheikh Bashir, to be accused of sedition. For those who don’t know, Bashir is one of the most patriotic Indians in Kashmir. Bashir is such an Indian nationalist that he even paid from his own pocket to be honoured with the Bharat Gaurav Award The award was ‘given’ by a certain NRI organisation called the India International Friendship Society. So happy was the BoSE Chairman about being called the Pride of India that he decided to use tax-payers’ money to issue advertisements in newspapers congratulating himself on being ‘awarded’ the Bharat Gaurav Award. Bashir is the sort of ‘Indian’ who is singled out in Kashmir for outsiders to be shown – look, he’s Kashmiri and a patriotic Indian! For all such patriots the Indian government should institute a special award so they don’t have to buy it any more.

News of this funny incident has been reported all over the world, thus once again giving away the bad planning of the Indian version of How to Have an Occupation and Pretend it Ain’t One. Perhaps the Home Ministry’s Kashmir Division should learn from the Kashmiris themselves; for instance, from this comment by a Kashmiri on Facebook:

"The emperor hereby orders deletion of the letter zoi alphabet from Urdu, Kashmiri, Gojri, Pahari, Sheena and Balti languages of his colony. Thus words like zaalim and zulm naturally stand obliterated from the lexicon.

The subjects are hereby directed to unlearn zoi and any word beginning with zoi. In addition, by the same decree, mazloom is also designated as a forbidden word from these languages unless used by the authorities in their official pursuits. Anybody found using zoi or its derivatives will be punishable with minimum 14 years of imprisonment by the newly promulgated Indic Alphabetica Act.

The order is implemented with immediate effect."

Appeared Earlier On: kafila

PEOPLE OF KASHMIR SHOULD NOT BE TAKEN FORGRANTED

BY: SAYED ALI SAFVI

A four-year old boy dressed in green among a huge tsunami of protestors at the historic Eidgah on Friday August 22, waving a green flag, vociferously chants: “We want freedom.” I wonder whether he knows the meaning of the word or not, but one thing is for sure, he wants to become a part of the history that is in the making in Kashmir. He wants to breathe free, not under the shadow of the gun and the lurking fear, but under the umbrella of lasting peace and tranquility that have eluded the strife-torn valley for centuries.

The sentiments of the boy clearly indicate that all is not well in the so-called paradise on earth, Kashmir. Wherever you go in the valley today -- from north to south -- you will feel the anger emanating from a range of slogans reverberating through the valley.

However, amid the cacophony of slogans and screaming, there is one slogan that stands out: “We want freedom.” “Azadi” is literally in the air in the valley. “Azadi” is the most frequently uttered word in Kashmir today. People from all walks of life -- traders, employees, doctors, lawyers, students -- thronging the streets are demanding “Azadi from India”.

“People can live under unbelief, but they can not live in oppression,” declared Imam Ali (AS). It seems Kashmiris have finally woken up from the deep slumber of the decades-old oppression, started paying heed to the call of conscience, and realized that ‘enough is enough’. The deprived children of a wounded, widowed, and harassed mother called Kashmir have decided to break free her shackles.

What we are witnessing in Kashmir today is a classic example of a people’s movement. It is the denizens of the strife-torn vale of Kashmir who are calling the shots, and not the leaders. Separatist leaders may boast of having organized five massive rallies since August 11, but the fact of the matter is that it is the people who are driving the leaders this time. The valley is in no mood to be taken for a ride.

The valleyites can not be misled this time. The common man of Kashmir has suddenly become uncommon. The uncommon majority is fighting for the only thing they want: the right to self-determination.

“The separatist leaders who do appear and speak at the rallies are not leaders so much as followers, being guided by the phenomenal spontaneous energy of a caged, enraged people that has exploded on Kashmir’s streets,” activist, renowned author, and Booker Prize winner Arundhati Roy wrote in an article entitled “Land and Freedom”, which was published in the August 22 edition of The Guardian.

As long as the leaders fall in line with the people’s aspirations, they are the kings, but if they give up, they too would be in the line of fire. No leader is bigger than the movement. Perhaps Kashmiris have finally learned this basic principle of a resistance movement. By all means, what we are witnessing in Kashmir is a people’s movement. On top of it, this time there is no apparent support or backing from Pakistan or ISI, as has been religiously claimed by India in the past. The people on the streets are common Kashmiris -- old, young, women, children --who are demanding the right to self-determination, promised by India’s first prime minister -- a Kashmiri pandit -- Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. They are not “terrorists” brandishing weapons or an uncontrollable mob on a killing spree.

The Hurriyat Conference and its leaders have the opportunity of a lifetime to turn woes into wows. In Sheikh Aziz’s death, the Hurriyat got a new lease on life. People have rested faith on Hurriyat leaders who have regained their lost political space. Geelani is perhaps at the end of his life and he would like to see the resolution of the Kashmir dispute before he closes his eyes. The support separatist leaders enjoy today is arguably unprecedented in Kashmir’s history. They must not let the sacrifice of Sheikh Aziz and others go to waste. They must ensure that the movement does not die down this time as it did in the early 1990s. New Delhi will try its best to sabotage the movement. So, you better keep your eyes wide open.

“Of course there are many ways for the Indian state to continue to hold on to Kashmir. It could do what it does best. Wait. And hope the people’s energy will dissipate in the absence of a concrete plan. It could try to fracture the fragile coalition that is emerging. It could extinguish this non-violent uprising and re-invite armed militancy. It could increase the number of troops from half a million to a whole million. A few strategic massacres, a couple of targeted assassinations, some disappearances and a massive round of arrests should do the trick for a few more years,” Roy wrote in “Land and Freedom”.

The Kashmiri youths spearheading the protests today are the generation of youth who have grown up during the militancy. They have seen it all. They have been brought up under the shadow of the gun. They have grown up, as Prem Shankar Jha said, “hating India and engorged with fear of the Indian army.” They have dashed all the psychological boundaries and the fear psychosis that Indian troops so vigorously tried to infuse into them over the past two decades.

“For them (Kashmiri youth) it is nothing short of an epiphany. Not even the fear of death seems to hold them back. And once that fear has gone, of what use is the largest or second largest army in the world?” Roy observed in the article in The Guardian.

Kashmiris, irrespective of political divide, are out on streets demanding the right to self-determination. Up to now, the demand for a plebiscite had primarily been put forth by Kashmiri separatists, but the current crisis in the state has compelled India’s leading strategic analysts to call for a referendum in Kashmir, a demand they considered a taboo only a couple of weeks ago.

India’s most read columnist, Swaminathan S. Anklesaria Aiyar, in his August 17 column in The Times of India, urged India to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir to allow the people of Kashmir to decide their destiny. “We promised Kashmiris a plebiscite six decades ago. Let us hold one now, and give them three choices: independence, union with Pakistan, or union with India. Almost certainly the Valley will opt for independence. Jammu will opt to stay with India, and probably Ladakh too. Let Kashmiris decide the outcome, not the politicians and armies of India and Pakistan,” he wrote.

Swaminathan also castigated India for drawing parallels with the colonial British. “The British insisted for a long time that India was an integral part of their Empire, the jewel in its crown, and would never be given up. Imperialist blimps remained in denial for decades. I fear we are in similar denial on Kashmir,” he said.

Vir Sanghvi, in his column in the Hindustan Times, called upon India to hold a referendum in the valley. “I reckon we should hold a referendum in the Valley. Let the Kashmiris determine their own destiny. If they want to stay in India, they are welcome. But if they don’t, then we have no moral right to force them to remain… If you believe in democracy, then giving Kashmiris the right to self-determination is the correct thing to do. And even if you don’t, surely we will be better off being rid of this constant, painful strain on our resources, our lives, and our honor as a Nation,” he wrote.

Sanghvi questioned India for hanging on to the people “who have no desire to be part of India.” “Why are we still hanging on to Kashmir if the Kashmiris don’t want to have anything to do with us?” he wrote.

The call for Azadi in Kashmir today is much louder than it has ever been. Slogans may be many but the real demand is Azadi.

Arundhati Roy has called for Kashmir’s Azadi from India, much to the dismay of New Delhi. “India needs azadi from Kashmir as much as Kashmir needs azadi from India,” said the celebrated author. Arundhati Roy attended two massive rallies in Srinagar, at the Tourist Reception Centre ground and the Eidgah, to show solidarity with Kashmiris.

“Every banner, full-throated cry or slogan today is an expression of anger with India. Be it in favor of Pakistan, Nizam-e-Mustafa (Islamic state), or simply freedom. There may be many contradictions in the movement, but the desire for independence has erupted suddenly again, with a zeal that can almost be romanticized as revolutionary,” writes Saba Naqvi (Outlook, September 1, 2008).

However, not many Kashmiris endorse Kashmir’s integration with Pakistan.

“When someone on the street here (Kashmir) says Pakistan or Nizam-e-Mustafa, what are they trying to convey? What he (the Kashmiri) is saying is that he rejects the present system. This does not necessarily mean he would choose Pakistan. People here know what has been happening within Pakistan. They are disappointed in what has become of the political system there. There is also a feeling that Pakistan has lost interest in Kashmir,” says Mirwaiz Umar Farooq (Outlook, September 1, 2008).

The writing is on the wall. Kashmiris want the right to self-determination, which India has denied them for six decades. The ball is in New Delhi’s court. Being a democratic country, it cannot turn a deaf ear to the incessant demands of Kashmiris, else everlasting peace will never be achieved in Kashmir.

Mirwaiz In Response To The Queries From Aalaw & Frontline | Kashmir

Urging people to repose trust in the separatist leadership, Hurriyat (M) chairman, Mirwaiz Umar

Farooq Friday responded to a host of serious questions raised by a facebook community on the role of Hurriyat in the dialogue process and other issues.

‘Aalaw’, the facebook community with more than 8000 followers, had written an open letter to Mirwaiz asking him to clarify his party’s stand on some of the crucial policy issues. Replying to the queries, Mirwaiz told Rising Kashmir that people have the right to question the separatist leadership, but at the same “they should trust us”.

About the talks with New Delhi, he said the real dialogue process virtually stopped in 2006. “We had a dialogue process with New Delhi and we proposed many things but not even a single proposal was accepted by the Indian authorities. So our stand is clear now, no dialogue until the proposed things are not implemented on ground.”

The Hurriyat (M) chief said his party will never consider the back channel negotiations as a dialogue process “until and unless India doesn’t agree to what we feel is important for improving ground situation for a meaningful and result oriented dialogue process that would ultimately lead us to amicable resolution of this long pending issue.”

One of the questions posed by ‘Aalaw’ to Mirwaiz was about his participation in a lunch programme attended by interlocutor, Radha Kumar, some mainstream politicians, a former Ikhwani (government gunman) and a PDP agent.

“We live in a society where we have friends and sometimes it becomes obligatory for us to participate in functions organized by them,” said Mirwaiz.

‘Aalaw’ had brought to fore Mirwaiz’s participation in the said function organized by a local editor at Manasbal.

“A friend of mine invited me for a lunch and it was a mere coincidence that the interlocutor and other pro-India politicians were also present there. It was just a social gathering and no conversation took place. I had no idea who others were invited.”

Miwiaz further said his participation in the function shouldn’t be taken as something that will harm the Kashmir cause.

“Our faith is not so weak that it will be shaken by mere participation in the social gatherings. People have the right to question, but they should trust us. Being at a place where the objectionable people are also present doesn’t mean that we have run away from our stand. People should trust us and we will uphold that trust at all costs.”

In response to the query as to why despite being a chief cleric, he was opposed to an idea of “Islamic State” for Jammu and Kashmir, Mirwaiz said in the present geo-political scenario such demand will weaken the Kashmir issue at the international level.

“I am not against the idea of an Islamic state. What our party believes is that Kashmir is a political issue and until and unless apolitical resolution doesn’t evolve, we have to take the struggle as it is. Once the people of the state are given the right to decide their future, they have the will to choose the destiny for the state.”

“At present we have to portray it as a political issue and have to take along all other communities. If we give it a religious overtone, the support at the international level will not be there for us. We don’t have to portray that our struggle is Muslim Kashmiris against the Hindu India. I don’t deny that the evolution of this issue is a result of Muslim Pakistan versus Hindu India but the times have changed.”

One of the questions posed by ‘Aalaw’ was about the role of Hurriyat (M) in helping the orphans, the widows and those who are languishing in different jails across India.

Mirwaiz acknowledged that his party has not done much for those who have suffered during the 20 years of turmoil.

“We do what we could with our available resources but I must acknowledge that it is not enough. We have a cell Dar-ul Khairat and we do help people who are in need but it is not that big.” He said Hurriyat (M) has not gone for any massive fund raising exercise keeping in view how much people have suffered economically during the past three years.

“But collectively, the society and leadership can do what will be more effective in helping those who are in real need. The community must help us so that those who have sacrificed for the freedom struggle should not suffer.”

Mirwaiz said his party provides legal aid to the prisoners. “But that is also not upto the level that we could help all. We try to help those who are lodged here but sometimes people don’t come to us and moreover, the lawyers outside the valley demand huge money to fight cases of our people. We are not able to help them. Our help to them is also limited.”

Need of Conflict Resolution

By: Dr Ghulam Nabi Fai

The issue of ‘Conflict Resolution’ is indeed a pertinent topic especially in this volatile world of ours. I would like to share the prospects of peace for one of the longest continuing conflicts on our planet - kashmir

I am confident that all of us are aware that there are multiple ways by which we can resolve conflicts. The most pragmatic being through dialogue and negotiations, whether that be through the auspices of Track I [official dialogue with state representatives] or Track II Negotiations, which are considered to be un-official, but have become an effective medium to finding solutions to many conflicts, both violent ones and others.

Obviously, the most prevalent perception about ‘Conflict Resolution’ is that it is dependent upon the political process of negotiation, mediation, and other forms of non-violent dispute resolution. However, while this is a correct assumption, it is important for all of us, who are considering venturing into the domain of ‘Conflict Resolution’ as practitioners, to take note that firstly, the greatest hurdle is to get all parties involved in a conflict to come to the negotiating table.

Secondly, the terms of reference should be formulated in such a manner so that they are seen to be fair and amicable to all stakeholders. These are daunting tasks, bearing in mind that stakeholders are often entrenched in their various positions and are inclined to stick to their demands before finally opting to come to the negotiating table.

Signs of progress in any ‘Conflict Resolution’ can be measured only if all parties involved in a conflict choose to come to the negotiating table. Even if the parties do not achieve a final solution to their problems, the parties concerned would have at least been able to establish contact with each other, with the aim of discussing the various contending issues, which may well end up by them agreeing to disagree.

The crucial task in getting the parties to the negotiating table is through the initiation of Confidence Building Measures (CBMs), prior to embarking upon the negotiating process. This would allow all parties to attain a sense of trust and gain confidence that their negotiating partner would at most act in good faith if a resolution to their dispute were to finally be endorsed through the negotiation process.

We have seen CBM’s succeeded in forging an element of trust between New -Delhi and Islamabad. The international community commended both these countries on their flexibility throughout the CBM initiative and hailed that initiative as a stepping-stone towards lasting peace between the two countries. However, some Kashmir centric CBM’s need to be initiated to create an atmosphere for dialogue, i.e., demilitarizing Kashmir, repealing of black laws, releasing of political prisoners, and allowing the right of freedom of expression & assembly to the people.

India and Pakistan can make peace with each other. I have no objection to that materializing, and nor would anyone else, as all of us would like to see peace in that region. However, what needs to be highlighted is that a major stumbling block in resolving the Kashmir conflict is the failure of the two disputing states to recognize Kashmiri Leadership as a legitimate partner in the peace process. One cannot loose sight of the fact that the Kashmiris are the ones who are most affected in the ongoing conflict. They are the ones who are shouldering most of the casualties. It is thus pertinent to ask: “Why isn’t the Kashmiri Leadership regarded as an equal partner in the negotiating process, bearing in mind that the conflict is of paramount importance to determining the future of their land and people?” Thus their basic human rights too need to be taken into consideration and not just the establishment of peace between India and Pakistan.

The Kashmir Issue needs to be resolved once and for all to the satisfaction of all three parties - the Governments of India & Pakistan and the people of Kashmir. All sides involved in this most unfortunate and tragic dispute must come to terms with the reality that the time for peace is now. The reality is that flexibility must be exercised by all parties in order to act in good faith, and that the playing field must be leveled at the negotiating table. Because it is almost impossible to find a solution of the Kashmir dispute that respects all the sensitivities of Pakistan, values all the sentiments of India and keeps in tact the whole State of Jammu & Kashmir. Yet an imaginative solution demand flexibility from all parties concerned.

Journalism in Occupied Kashmir

By: Muhammad Daheem

To report human misery without any pressure from any quarter is the basic right of journalists. No body can deny the freedom of expression in the modern age. Nonetheless, journalism is an uphill task in Indian occupied Kashmir. Kashmiris took arms against Indian occupied forces in 1989. Since then several journalists have been harassed, threatened, tortured and severely wounded by the Indian forces and state machinery. Several have survived fatal attacks. Many have lost their lives for the cause of freedom of expression. Even then the Kashmir press does not have the liberty to report facts and realities related to Kashmir issue. Nonetheless, several journalists are struggling to bring into light the realities related to freedom movement in Kashmir.The puppet regime of Indian held Kashmir is actively engaged in the state sponsored terrorism. The curfew passes of journalists are torn or declined or declared faked. The journalists, in such circumstances, find it difficult to reach their offices. Many news and text messages are blocked or banned to curb the rights of journalists in Kashmir.The Valley journalists are not allowed to express their genuine opinion about grim situation in Kashmir. Despite obstacles the scribes, writers and editors are exposing the atrocities of the Indian forces. The voice of the conscientious journalists is the voice of the freedom of expression.Kashmir is a valley of tears, death and cemetery of known and unknown martyrs. It is because of the atrocities of the Indian forces. In such circu
mstances conscientious media plays vital role. It closely watches the grim situation and struggles to portray a true picture of the events.Civilized societies do not tolerate attacks on journalists or arrest of editors and writers serving for the noble cause. The sincere journalists are part and voice of the society and they portray the true picture of the society. Unfortunately Kashmiri journalists have been deprived of presenting true political picture of events in Kashmir. It is one of the most unreported regions of the global world.The number of Indian forces present in the Kashmir region is more than half a million. These forces, a symbol of hatred for the Muslim all over Kashmir, erode media freedom and rights of journalists. The Indian forces try to hush up the damaging details of events from the community of journalists.On Jun. 11, 2010 Indian security forces killed a youth in Srinagar. The schoolboy was returning home from a tuition center. This resulted a series of protests across Kashmir. In consequence 14 more people got killed including several teenagers. A number of Kashmiris were i

njured as a result of police action.It was against this background that press associations met and decided to express their protest by suspending the publication of all local English and Urdu language newspapers in the Indian occupied Kashmir.The newspapers suspended publication from July 8 to 11 in 2010—— a rare example in the history of journalism.They did it as a protest “against the government’s policy on the movement restriction of reporters and technical staff”. Bashir Ahmad Bashir, an editor of an Urdu language daily mourns:“We had to suspend publication of our newspapers for four consecutive days given the restrictions imposed on media personnel. Our curfew passes were cancelled. Reporters and photojournalists were ruthlessly beaten up, while cases were filed against some media persons in an effort to stop them from publishing the reality.”Riyaz Masroor, a senior journalist, was “beaten up ruthlessly by policemen” after he identified himself as a journalist to authorities who stopped him outside his home.Journalists complain of restrictions on scribes, writers, editors and photojournalists by the state-controlled agencies. The media does not have the liberty to report independently.Journalists, in the light of professional journalistic code of ethics, have the right to express their views that come from the core of their heart. But the freedom of expression is still not acknowledged in the occupied Kashmir.Iftikhar Geelani, a journalist, was charged and arrested under the notorious Indian Official Secrets Act, a product of the British Colonial rule. He was accused of “storing information about India ‘s military presence in Kashmir and possessing classified documents prejudicial to the safety and security of the country,” in his laptop computer. Asiya Jeelani, an editor of a human rights group magazine, died of a mine blast while her colleague Khurram Parvez, an activist, lost his leg. The history of Kashmir is replete with atrocities of Indian forces in Kashmir.The Kashmir Press is under pressure. Journalists in Kashmir are struggling to stop violation of basic Human Rights of journalists — the right to express their viewpoint and report the bitter truth without pressure from any quarter.There are no private satellite television channels or private radio stations in Kashmir.Local cable television channels have been forced to cut their evening news bulletins to just 15 minutes. They are not permitted to rebroadcast the news. State-controlled radio and television are the voice of the puppet regime in Kashmir.

These are not considered to be authentic or reliable sources by the public.The Kashmir Press Association, Press Guild of Kashmir, Kashmir journalists’ Corporation, Kashmir Press Photographers Associations and Kashmir Video Journalists Associations are the voices of journalists.These voices are protesting against the government’s stern policy towards journalists and journalism. Daily Kashmir Express, the most circulated newspaper of the state, advocates the right of self- determination of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. This newspaper also highlights their respective problems that people of Kashmir are facing all over the world. Journalists are trying their best to support the voice of the people of Kashmir.A London-based think-tank survey shows that 75 to 95 percent Kashmiris want independence from the yoke of Indian slavery. The people are in favour of freedom of press. Unfortunately the photojournalists and video journalists opt for self-censorship in case of protest demonstration. This is because they are under pressure and working in difficult times. They are the daily victims of injustice and cruelty of Indian imperialism. From time to time they express their anger against Indian forces. The international community and Human Rights organizations should focus on the fate of journalism in Indian held Kashmir.Violation of Human Rights is common as unidentified gunmen abduct, humiliate and beat up journalists for performing their duty honestly. The reporters, photojournalists and their family members are arrested under the emergency public security law. The police refuses to release them despite logical protests made by the public. The conflict is escalating and even going to be out of control.Violation of basic rights of journalists is the root cause of many problems. When journalists are denied to reveal the truth to the public it becomes the cause of social unrest in the society. Journalists demand that their basic needs to be met without any foul play. Newspapers are largely dependent on politically controlled advertisements. These newspapers are blackmailed as their payments are withheld for publishing “objectionable material”.It is very difficult for genuine journalists to perform their duty in Held Kashmir. To ensure safety and security of journalists to perform their duties freely seems to be impossible in present circumstances. Moreover, threats to human rights defenders are common. Even the organizations seeking justice for journalists are considered dangerous and hushed up to talk of human rights in Kashmir.The journalists seek life saving methods while reaching the place of accident or clash between the Indian forces and the freedom fighters. The fear of death haunts them while covering the important events. In the unpredictable scenario, the future of journalism seems to be bleak in Kashmir unless occupied forces leave this beautiful valley.The journalists are the torchbearers for press freedom. They know peace cannot be achieved by brutal use of force. It can be achieved through justice and fair play for all.

KASHMIR CONFLICT : Studying at prison; appearing in chains

As standard 10th students rush towards their examination centre at the historic Islamia School in the heart of the Old City, Shahbaaz Manzoor Khan, 16, who is also appearing, is brought handcuffed like a ‘criminal’.

Shahbaaz, who hails from Gojwara, has been in police detention for over a month before the annual 10th standard examination began in the Kashmir valley.

On the morning of September 8, this year, when Shahbaaz was still asleep, a pose of 75 police vehicles stood outside the gate of his house, says his father Manzoor Ahmad Khan. The family was having breakfast when they heard a thunderous sound. He says he rushed out in hurry to check out and found the policemen had broken the fence which surrounds their house.

“When my husband went out, I followed him and saw huge number of policemen crossing over the broken fence towards our house, says Dishada, his mother.

The policemen asked for their son. “They (policemen) were angry to listen to us, they warned us that they would barge into his room, if we did not bring him quickly, she says amid sobs outside the school, where her son is appearing for the exam.

She says being a mother she thought her only son

would be panicked ‘so she woke him up like she did every morning’. “I called him and asked him to wear your clothes quickly and come downstairs,” she explains with tears glistening in her eyes. She says when her son came down he held her hand tightly, before police took him away. “We didn’t utter a word in front of them, we just handed over a jacket to our son and they took him away,” she cries as she speaks.

The parents desperate to get their son out, more so as the dates for the crucial exam were nearing, approached people in the corridors of power. But, as his parents say nobody paid any heed. “We are pleading for our son in front of them, he is too innocent and young to do anything,” Dilshada says.

A police official says that the teen has been arrested on charges of hurling stones at the government forces. He, however, fails to explain the need of bringing Shahbaaz handcuffed to the examination centre.

A physiologist says that such scene at places where there is a huge presence of children is a matter of concern. "If you bring a child handcuffed and guarded like a hardened criminal it certainly is going to play on the psyche of other children around," he remarks while wishing to remain anonymous.

This becomes, particularly, important when government claims to have launched several initiatives for the youth, who have been at the forefront of expressing dissent, he says.

But, authorities seem to be ignoring the gravity of such actions and as his parents' pleas have fallen to deaf ears. Shahbaaz, these days, prepares in dark prison cell where not a ray of light passes, his mother believes. “When I went there, I saw the room in which they are keeping my son, it has a single window with no light, it is a ‘kal kothri’, I am not coming to terms with the crime he has committed, I don’t understand how would he be preparing,” she expresses her worry.

Dilshada often visits her son in jail to give him books and sometimes food.

On the first day of his examination she visited his school to wish him luck

b ut when she found his son handcuffed and surrounded by police it became difficult for her to

bear her son’s plight, says his father.

“Since then I don’t go to wish him luck, I just wait for the jeep outside school premises which picks and drops him to assure myself that he is appearing in exams,” says Dilshada.

Earlier Published On Kashmir Dispatch