Early this month when Syed Ali Geelani called for offering prayers (in absentia) for Osama Bin Laden, the administration responded quite unusually. Making a big departure from its past policy, it showed a great degree of composure and allowed Geelani to offer prayers. It was for the first time since he visited parents of Tufail Ahmad Matto, who was shot dead by police on June 11, 2010, Geelani was allowed to participate in any of his programmes.
Though Geelani led a large prayers’ meeting at Batamaloo, common people generally ignored his call. It was genuinely an occasion of great relief for the jerky administration. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, in a fit of joy, tweeted: “I do not want him (Geelani) to become a hero”. Chief Minister’s tweet was carried prominently by newspapers and news channels, giving the impression that Omar Abdullah has decided to give room for his critics. But it did not take chief minister even a week’s time to change his mind and try out his earlier method of muzzling the dissent. On April 13 and 20, Geelani was placed under house arrest and his public rallies at Shopian and Islamabad were banned.
Curbing peoples’ movement on May 21 to stop Mirwaiz Umar Farooq from holding a rally in Sri
nagar on the death anniversary of his father Molvi Mohammad Farooq and Abdul Gani Lone was yet another reminder that the chief minister inherits a political culture where there is no respect for opposite views. It was for the first time that Mirwaiz was stopped from commemorating death anniversary of his father.
Treating its opponents with extreme contempt and disdain is rooted in the entire political and power history of the National Conference. History places the NC founder Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah—though praised for heroic fight against Maharaja’s rule in 1930s and 40s—as the most intolerant politician and bigoted ruler ever produced in south Asian region.
Democracy was first tried and tested in Jammu and Kashmir in 1951 when elections for the constituent Assembly were held under Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah’s premiership. Out of the 75 members of the House, 73 were declared successful unopposed. In two other seats—Habba Kadal and Baramullah—two independent candidates, Shiv Narain Fotedar and Sardar Sant Singh Giyani challenged the offic
ial candidates of the National Conference.
Late Ghulam Mohammad Mir Tawoos (who retired as divisional commissioner in 1975) wrote in his memoir—Yadoo’n Kay Aansoo’n—that both candidates were dubbed as Pakistani agents and mauled and hauled to such a degree by the NC cadres and state machinery that they had to withdraw from the contest to save their lives.
Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah repeated the same method of fear and terror during by-elections in Ganderbal and Devsar constituencies in 1975 where Sher-e-Kashmir and his deputy Mirza Afzal Beg were seeking election to the state Assembly. Abdullah had joined the Indian mainstream after divorcing the Plebiscite slogan (which he propagated for 22 years—1953-75) following an Accord with then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to take over as the chief minister of the state.
This time it was Jamaat-e-Islami which tasted the fruits of opposing Abdullah. Jamaat had fielded two senior stalwarts—Ashraf Sahrai and Hakeem Ghulam Nabi—against Abdullah and Beg. Both Sahrai and Hakeem survived murderous attacks by NC activists. In one attack in Ganderbal, one of the senior Jamaat leaders Saadullah Tantray of Doda (he passed away in 2007) lost his left eye permanently. At least 20 Jamaat leaders and supporters had got injured in this attack.
Around 50 Jamaat supporters and leaders were wounded in another attack at Kilam village in Devsar constituency where Hakeem Ghulam Nabi and Syed Ali Geelani were the main target of the attack. Qasim Sajjad of Islamabad, who was then in the Jamaat, suffered serious head injury in the attack. It took him around two months to recover. Nobody had given any chance to Jamaat nominees to win from any of the two seats but NC employed all the vile and violent methods to crush them to defeat.
Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah did not stop here. Two days after the election, Shaikh Abdullah imposed ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, closed down its schools, arrested hundreds of Jamaat activists and leaders. The NC continued with its wrath on Jamaat in later years as well. Kashmir witnessed massive protests against the hanging of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in Pakistan. The NC directed all this anger against the Jamaat. Around 20,000 houses of Jamaat supporters and leaders were burnt, their orchards cut, and shops looted in the frenzy that gripped Kashmir for three days with state government acting at distant onlooker.
The NC’s terror campaign in 1977 was even worse when a multi-party alliance—Janata Party—including Awami Action Committee of Mirwaiz Molvi Mohammad Farooq (barring Jamaat-e-Islami) dared to challenge Abdullah in Assembly elections. Noted historian Prem Nath Bazaz, who himself included among the top leaders of the Janata Party, has compiled a 222-page book—Democracy Through Terror and Intimidation—recording attacks on opponents, more particularly, Janata Party (JP) supporters by the NC activists.
In one of the attacks, Dr Jagat Mohni, the JP nominee for Habbakadal was hospitalized with serious head injury broken teeth and jaw-bones. Bazaz records a shameful incident when NC cadres attacked a young girl (17 year) at Budshah Chowk, stripped her naked by tearing up her clothes in full public view. Recounting his own experience Bazaz says: I along with Ghulam Mohiuddin Qarrah went to see Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah (he had fallen ill in the thick of the election campaign) at his Gupkar house. NC supporters present there attacked our car. A police officer escorted us to nearby Ghulam Mohammad Shah’s house. While seated in the living room, one after the other, Shah and Mohiuddin Matto entered and in a barrage of words hurled filthy abuses at us threatening to tear us to bits. All this happened in presence of Mirza Afzal Beg who did not utter even a word to stop them.
Salahuddin, Ashfaq Majeed, Ajaz Dar, Maqbool Illahi, Ahad Waza, Ashraf Dar, Yasin Malik, Javaid Mir and hundreds of militant commanders and leaders are also the creation of NC’s continued policy of terror and intimidation. Few have forgotten how NC’s combat squads captured polling booths, beat up polling agents, jailed poll campaigners and stopped candidates and counting agents of the rival Muslim United Front (MUF) from entering the counting halls in 1987 assembly elections. How brazenly those elections were rigged by the NC with the help of state machinery to its advantage everybody knows.
How NC unleashed Task Force and Ikwanis to settle scores with its political opponents between 1996 and 2002 must be fresh in everybody’s mind. What Omar Abdullah has been doing ever since he took over as chief minister in January 2009 is in continuity of his party history. His tweet on May 7 was just an aberration rectified right in time.