Politics of deceit

BY: Hassan Zainagiree

That it is lust for power which holds pre-eminence to anything and everything for pro-Indian political parties has once again scripted its unalloyed truth. Witnessed in, what is hailed as, 'August' and 'sanctified' assembly the drama enacted has vindicated the stand of pro-resistance forces who rubbished the idea of joining political process managed and controlled by New delhi.

The manner in which two regional parties {a} NC which champions the cause of autonomy and b} PDP that swears for self rule acted as mute spectators in scuttling an innocuous resolution moved by independent MLA of Handwara Er. Rashid seeking clemency for parliament attack convict Afzal Guru, has brutally exposed their hypocritical and deceitful politics. That both have succumbed to the dictates of New Delhi reveals the value, weight and essence of’ people’s mandate' they say the people of Kashmir have given to them.

The BJP and Congress which have 'national' interests to serve for scuttling the resolution were expected to behave the way they choose. But the facilitating role the two regional parties played have unmasked their pro-Kashmir credentials. It has reinforced the belief that while hunger for power might make them growl and fight over what is thrown from New Delhi-with rulers in Delhi, incidentally , enjoying their head-butting and bull-fighting -they are seen clinching together in a bond of togetherness as and when it serves the political machinations of New Delhi.

Remember the precariously vulnerable positions of New Delhi when it was struggling to provide some semblance of democratic face to its otherwise garrisoned hold in Kashmir but fellt hamstrung. National conference volunteered to play the Trojan horse,. knowing that a party wearing all India nationalistic traits makes Kashmiris take a terrible fright, Mufti Muhammad , till then a staunch Congress leader , changed his political robes and carnated into new political formation , the PDP, where his soul remained the same only the body morphed up into different exterior. PDP did not act differently. It gyrated its hips and played to the tune of its masters as and when New Delhi asked it to do.

Both NC and PDP outsmarted each other to damage the freedom struggle. Delhi used them as political instruments in repressing and suppressing people of Kashmir.

Each of two tasted power and encrypted their profile on the memory genes of Kashmiris. Each one ruled under the blessings of Indian army and the shadow of AFSPA and PSA. The black laws which gave impunity to the armed forces from courts. While the NC helped creating the Shrine Board which helped outside state people to get membership of the Boards, the PDP accomplice in playing deceitful role in a cabinet decision giving forest land to the Shrine Board {which , as people well anticipated its political ramifications, led to the 2008 uprising}. if Dr. Farroq acted as a willing lackey in agreeing to the Chairman of Unified Head quarters comprising of army, police , CRPF and intelligence sleuths, signaling , albit wrongly to the world, that armed forces are sub-servient to the civilian government, Mufti Syed followed the suit.

The fact of the matter is that law-making bodies in JK have always breached the trust of people . The 'representatives' who get elected to these bodies get the 'mandate' of the people on local issues and governance but after getting 'elected' enact laws which they have no mandate of the people and which often tantamount to violating the autonomy of the state and peoples aspirations

So deeply and radically power have corrupted them that even when an unanimous resolution on autonomy is passed with two-third majority and Delhi pisses on it, the NC dispensation opts to bear with the ignominy than give up power. On the other hand, they remain on their toes not to miss any opportunity of showing their loyalty to Delhi. ‘If Farooq Abdullah’, as Syed Geelani says, ‘signed the death warrant of Shahhed Maqbool Bhat, his son Omer Abdullah, keeping alive the family tradition , rejected the Afzal Guru’s application to be shifted from Tihar jail to Central Jail Srinagar’.

The deceptive politics played by the PDP and the NC over Guru’s issue should not surprise us all. It is power and power alone that they are so energetically circumambulating around. For the sake of power, as their track record shows, they won’t mind even if entire Kashmir nation is hanged. They stand de-robed in their double-speak and double cross. People of Kashmir are too mature not to be fooled by their gimmicks.

When NC called for freedom

It was in 1953 the realisation had dawned on Sher-e-Kashmir that the 1947 arrangement was fragile and detested by most of the people. He tried his best to rectify the wrong. He sought for liberation and urged Nehru to leave Jammu Kashmir alone. However, Nehru responded by ordering his arrest


A report released on April 20 at Islamabad says Sher-e-Kashmir favoured armed struggle for liberation of Jammu Kashmir in 1953. The report compiled by noted historian, Shabnam Qayoom is based on the leader’s speech of July 13, 1953 and has been dedicated to Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah. Qayoom believes Omar is different from his grandfather and father and has the gut “to probe all killings since 1990.”

In the above quoted speech, Sher-e-Kashmir said, “These martyrs have prepared us for bigger sacrifices to achieve our freedom and our right of self-determination. If required, our youth would not desist from fighting a liberation war on the lines of Algerian people.”
Sher-e-Kashmir also said, “I regret my mistake of coming in the way of merger with Pakistan. I had fears that they won’t treat me well, but I was wrong. Now I feel backstabbed, I no longer trust Indian rulers, we have different ways now.”

Shabnam’s report stands corroborated by Constituent Assembly member, Abdul Gani Goni’s interview with this scribe during the summer uprising of 2008 at his Barazulla residence.

Goni said: “By 1948 Sheikh Sahib had realised his mistake of supporting state’s accession with India. He had started dreaming of an independent state and expressed it without any reservations. During those fateful days, Moulana Azad visited Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah delivered a fiery speech at Hazratbal. Azad also wanted to address the people but Sheikh Abdullah sabotaged the move. A humiliated and angry Azad immediately left for New Delhi.

Soon after, Nehru came to tame his friend (Sheikh Abdullah). He was accompanied by his sister and Home Minister Dr Katju. They stayed in the Nehru Guest house. In their presence a meeting of the National Conference working committee was held. The working committee session continued for four days. The meeting discussed some vital issues pertaining to Kashmir. A defiant Sheikh told Nehru in clear terms that he and Kashmiris were not happy with state’s accession to India. He sought an independent state much to Nehru’s annoyance. However, Nehru being a matured politician controlled his anger and urged Sheikh Abdullah to stay patient for some time. He told Nehru: `I and people of Kashmir are not happy with India. Please leave us alone. We want to remain independent.’

Nehru reacted politely. `A park has been named after me in Srinagar. I was under the impression that people from India would come here to enjoy themselves. Anyways, if you want to remain independent, I have no objection. I am going to London for a conference. After I return I will talk to you.’ Nehru did return from London but not to give independence to Kashmir. He had planned to cage the roaring lion of Kashmir.”

This incident has been narrated by Goni in his autobiography Sada-e-Bazgusht on page 54. “Nobody expected Nehru to arrest and dethrone Sheikh Sahib. Soon after the working committee meeting I went to Doda. In Doda I heard about the arrival of a Union Minister Mahavir Tyagi in Srinagar. He was very close to Bakshi. And what happened is history.”

According to Goni, Sher-e-Kashmir behaved and roared like a lion during the NC working committee meeting held in Nehru Guest House as Nehru and the then home minister watched the proceedings. It was during this meeting that Sher-e-Kashmir demanded total liberation of Jammu Kashmir. However, the roar that created a stir in the entire sub-continent did no good to Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah and Kashmir. The caged lion fell from grace slowly but surely. Goni unveiled another side of Sheikh’s personality. Goni was the speaker of legislative assembly in 1975. One day he was informed about Sheikh Sahib’s arrival in the assembly complex. Goni narrated the incident. “I greeted Sheikh Sahib. He was dejected. He said, `Show me my room.’ I informed him no room in the complex was meant for him. I further informed him that only chief minister can have a room in the assembly complex. I was surprised by his answer. `I want to see that very room.’ I was pained to see the lion of Kashmir in such a state of mind. ”

Goni paused for a moment. He was going to share a secret. “Before leaving the assembly complex, Sheikh Sahib said, `I have offered enough sacrifices. I cannot offer more.’ I shook hands with him and watched him leave the complex amid shock and utter disbelief.”

Goni revealed vital details about the constituent assembly members and their stand viz-a-viz accession of Jammu Kashmir to Indian union. “Please do not make these details public during my life time. Further some of the members are still alive. I do not want to embarrass them”, he requested.

Surprisingly Sher-e-Kashmir has not made a mention of his only roar in his Aatish-e-Chinar. He has not mentioned about the working committee meeting as well for unknown reasons.

Democracy through intimidation and terror

Early this month when Syed Ali Geelani called for offering prayers (in absentia) for Osama Bin Laden, the administration responded quite unusually. Making a big departure from its past policy, it showed a great degree of composure and allowed Geelani to offer prayers. It was for the first time since he visited parents of Tufail Ahmad Matto, who was shot dead by police on June 11, 2010, Geelani was allowed to participate in any of his programmes.

Though Geelani led a large prayers’ meeting at Batamaloo, common people generally ignored his call. It was genuinely an occasion of great relief for the jerky administration. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, in a fit of joy, tweeted: “I do not want him (Geelani) to become a hero”. Chief Minister’s tweet was carried prominently by newspapers and news channels, giving the impression that Omar Abdullah has decided to give room for his critics. But it did not take chief minister even a week’s time to change his mind and try out his earlier method of muzzling the dissent. On April 13 and 20, Geelani was placed under house arrest and his public rallies at Shopian and Islamabad were banned.

Curbing peoples’ movement on May 21 to stop Mirwaiz Umar Farooq from holding a rally in Sri

nagar on the death anniversary of his father Molvi Mohammad Farooq and Abdul Gani Lone was yet another reminder that the chief minister inherits a political culture where there is no respect for opposite views. It was for the first time that Mirwaiz was stopped from commemorating death anniversary of his father.

Treating its opponents with extreme contempt and disdain is rooted in the entire political and power history of the National Conference. History places the NC founder Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah—though praised for heroic fight against Maharaja’s rule in 1930s and 40s—as the most intolerant politician and bigoted ruler ever produced in south Asian region.

Democracy was first tried and tested in Jammu and Kashmir in 1951 when elections for the constituent Assembly were held under Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah’s premiership. Out of the 75 members of the House, 73 were declared successful unopposed. In two other seats—Habba Kadal and Baramullah—two independent candidates, Shiv Narain Fotedar and Sardar Sant Singh Giyani challenged the offic

ial candidates of the National Conference.

Late Ghulam Mohammad Mir Tawoos (who retired as divisional commissioner in 1975) wrote in his memoir—Yadoo’n Kay Aansoo’n—that both candidates were dubbed as Pakistani agents and mauled and hauled to such a degree by the NC cadres and state machinery that they had to withdraw from the contest to save their lives.

Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah repeated the same method of fear and terror during by-elections in Ganderbal and Devsar constituencies in 1975 where Sher-e-Kashmir and his deputy Mirza Afzal Beg were seeking election to the state Assembly. Abdullah had joined the Indian mainstream after divorcing the Plebiscite slogan (which he propagated for 22 years—1953-75) following an Accord with then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to take over as the chief minister of the state.

This time it was Jamaat-e-Islami which tasted the fruits of opposing Abdullah. Jamaat had fielded two senior stalwarts—Ashraf Sahrai and Hakeem Ghulam Nabi—against Abdullah and Beg. Both Sahrai and Hakeem survived murderous attacks by NC activists. In one attack in Ganderbal, one of the senior Jamaat leaders Saadullah Tantray of Doda (he passed away in 2007) lost his left eye permanently. At least 20 Jamaat leaders and supporters had got injured in this attack.

Around 50 Jamaat supporters and leaders were wounded in another attack at Kilam village in Devsar constituency where Hakeem Ghulam Nabi and Syed Ali Geelani were the main target of the attack. Qasim Sajjad of Islamabad, who was then in the Jamaat, suffered serious head injury in the attack. It took him around two months to recover. Nobody had given any chance to Jamaat nominees to win from any of the two seats but NC employed all the vile and violent methods to crush them to defeat.

Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah did not stop here. Two days after the election, Shaikh Abdullah imposed ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, closed down its schools, arrested hundreds of Jamaat activists and leaders. The NC continued with its wrath on Jamaat in later years as well. Kashmir witnessed massive protests against the hanging of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in Pakistan. The NC directed all this anger against the Jamaat. Around 20,000 houses of Jamaat supporters and leaders were burnt, their orchards cut, and shops looted in the frenzy that gripped Kashmir for three days with state government acting at distant onlooker.

The NC’s terror campaign in 1977 was even worse when a multi-party alliance—Janata Party—including Awami Action Committee of Mirwaiz Molvi Mohammad Farooq (barring Jamaat-e-Islami) dared to challenge Abdullah in Assembly elections. Noted historian Prem Nath Bazaz, who himself included among the top leaders of the Janata Party, has compiled a 222-page book—Democracy Through Terror and Intimidation—recording attacks on opponents, more particularly, Janata Party (JP) supporters by the NC activists.

In one of the attacks, Dr Jagat Mohni, the JP nominee for Habbakadal was hospitalized with serious head injury broken teeth and jaw-bones. Bazaz records a shameful incident when NC cadres attacked a young girl (17 year) at Budshah Chowk, stripped her naked by tearing up her clothes in full public view. Recounting his own experience Bazaz says: I along with Ghulam Mohiuddin Qarrah went to see Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah (he had fallen ill in the thick of the election campaign) at his Gupkar house. NC supporters present there attacked our car. A police officer escorted us to nearby Ghulam Mohammad Shah’s house. While seated in the living room, one after the other, Shah and Mohiuddin Matto entered and in a barrage of words hurled filthy abuses at us threatening to tear us to bits. All this happened in presence of Mirza Afzal Beg who did not utter even a word to stop them.

Salahuddin, Ashfaq Majeed, Ajaz Dar, Maqbool Illahi, Ahad Waza, Ashraf Dar, Yasin Malik, Javaid Mir and hundreds of militant commanders and leaders are also the creation of NC’s continued policy of terror and intimidation. Few have forgotten how NC’s combat squads captured polling booths, beat up polling agents, jailed poll campaigners and stopped candidates and counting agents of the rival Muslim United Front (MUF) from entering the counting halls in 1987 assembly elections. How brazenly those elections were rigged by the NC with the help of state machinery to its advantage everybody knows.

How NC unleashed Task Force and Ikwanis to settle scores with its political opponents between 1996 and 2002 must be fresh in everybody’s mind. What Omar Abdullah has been doing ever since he took over as chief minister in January 2009 is in continuity of his party history. His tweet on May 7 was just an aberration rectified right in time.